840 resultados para Right of Self-determination


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The Northern Territory Government's Working Future: Outstations/Homelands (2009) policy statement gives effect to the Council of Australian Government's Closing the Gap policy on Indigenous housing and remote service delivery. These policies mark a radical shift in public policy that winds back the outstations and homelands movement that began in the 1970's. This paper examines Indigenous homelands policy and considers whether these policies are consistent with the Indigenous human rights and in particular the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007), which Australia endorsed in 2009. The author argues that the current homelands policy breaches a number of Indigenous human rights and promotes assimiliation by forcing Indigenous Australians to relocate to access basic services such as health, housing and education. As a consequence these policies are counter-intuitive to the overall Closing the Gap goals of improving Indigenous health outcomes because they fail to take into account the importance of country and culture to Indigenous wellbeing. She concludes that Australian governments need to formulate a homelands policy that is consistent with Indigenous human rights and in particular the right of self determination, enjoyment of culture and protection against forced assimilation.

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The adoption of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (DRIP) by the United Nations General Assembly in September 2007 has been heralded by many as a major breakthrough in the promotion of Indigenous rights under international law. Many however are sceptical as to whether DRIP actually promotes Indigenous rights or rather limits them in ways that serve the interests of nation states thereby diminishing the universality of human rights with respect to Indigenous peoples. This paper will examine how shifts in global power from the United States to the BRIC nations (Brazil, Russia, India and China) are likely to impact on the realisation of the right of self determination for Indigenous peoples. It will start by outlining the right of self determination as articulated in the Declaration, and in particular how the United States and its allies - the CANZUS group (Canada, Australia, New Zealand and United States) - were influential in shaping its form and content. The paper will then assess the extent to which the right to self determination is realised in Australia, the United States and the BRJC nations to provide an indication of the likely future direction of recognition and realisation of Indigenous rights at a global level.

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En 1974, España como potencia administradora del Sahara Occidental, decide retirarse de este territorio bajo la resolución 1514 de Naciones Unidas, dejando como administrador a Marruecos con el fin de que llevara a cabo el derecho de autodeterminación a través de un referendo. Actualmente y después de treinta años, este referendo no se ha llevado a cabo siendo Sahara Occidental la última colonia en África. Durante este tiempo, Marruecos ocupó militarmente gran parte del Sahara Occidental reclamándolo como parte de su territorio, hecho que no es aceptado por la población saharaui ni por el Frente Polisario (movimiento independentista del Sahara Occidental), quienes reclaman la independencia total del territorio. De esta manera, la constitución de la República Árabe Saharaui Democrática como Estado en 1976 logró el reconocimiento de varios Estados y organizaciones internacionales como la Unión Africana, hecho que hizo que Marruecos sea el único país africano que no pertenezca a esta organización. Así mismo, su ausencia dentro de la organización trajo para Marruecos implicaciones políticas en tres importantes temas: la Nueva Alianza para el Desarrollo – NEPAD, el Sistema Africano de Derechos Humanos y de los Pueblos y la participación de la Unión del Magreb Árabe como Comunidad Económica Regional CER.

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Estudio de caso en el análisis de la situación afrontada por la población de Papúa Occidental durante el periodo de 1962-1969, época en la que la nueva República de Indonesia y Holanda se disputaban la soberanía sobre el territorio papuano. Dicha disputa tuvo lugar durante la época de Guerra Fría, lo que llevó a que Estados Unidos junto con sus aliados en la región y la Unión Soviética intervinieran en él. Finalmente, Estados Unidos teniendo en cuenta sus intereses favoreció a la República de Indonesia y obligó a Holanda firmar el Acuerdo de Nueva York, en el que se establecía que sería la Autoridad Ejecutiva Temporal de las Naciones Unidas quien administrara y preparara el territorio para un futuro Acto de Libre Elección. En cualquiera que fuese el panorama, las Naciones Unidas no cumplieron con lo establecido en el Acuerdo lo que llevó a que fueran condescendientes con todas las peticiones indonesias sin tener en cuenta los deseos y los derechos de la población papuana, violándose su derecho de auto-determinación de los pueblos.

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After the introduction of the liberal-democratic constitutions in the Swiss cantons in the first half of the 1830ies the grid of existing schools has been systemized and broadly expanded. The school systems have ever since been characterized by one key element: a special local authority type called „Schulkommission“ or „Schulpflege“. They take the form of committees consisting of laymen that are appointed by democratic elections like all the other executive bodies on the different federal levels in Switzerland. When it comes to their obligations and activities these community level school committees conform very much to the school boards in the American and Canadian school systems. They are accountable for the selection and supervision of the teachers. They approve decisions about the school careers of pupils and about curricular matters like the choice of school books. Normally their members are elected by the local voters for four year terms of office (reelection remains possible) and with regard to pedagogics they normally are non-professionals. The board members are responsible for classes and teachers assigned to them and they have to go to see them periodically. These visitations and the board meetings each month together with the teachers enable the board members to attain a deep insight into what happens in their schools over the course of their term of office. But they are confronted as laymen with a professional teaching staff and with educational experts in the public administration. Nevertheless this form of executive power by non-professionals is constitutive for the state governance in the Swiss as well as in other national political environments. It corresponds to the principles of subsidiarity and militia and therefore allows for a strong accentuation of liberty and the right of self-determination, two axioms at the very base of democratic federalist ideology. This governance architecture with this strong accent on local anchorage features substantial advantages for the legitimacy and acceptability of political and administrative decisions. And this is relevant especially in the educational area because the rearing of the offspring is a project of hope and, besides, quite costly. In the public opinion such supervision bodies staffed by laymen seem to have certain credibility advances in comparison with the professional administration. They are given credit to be capable of impeding the waste of common financial resources and of warranting the protection and the fostering of the community’s children at once. Especially because of their non-professional character they are trusted to be reliably immune against organizational blindness and they seem to be able to defend the interests of the local community against the standardization and centralization aspirations originating from the administrational expertocracy. In the paper these common rationales will be underpinned by results of a comprehensive historical analysis of the Session protocols of three Bernese school commissions from 1835 to 2005.

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Indigenous self-determination is the recognised right of all peoples to freely determine their political status, and pursue their economic, social and cultural development. Unfinished Constitutional Business? offers fresh insights into the ways communities can chart their own course and realise self-determination. Because the history of colonisation is emotionally charged, the issue has been clouded by a rhetoric that has sometimes obstructed analysis.

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[EN] On 17 February 2008 Kosovo approved its declaration of independence from Serbia. The declaration was raised as a unilateral secession, a category which to date is widely debated by the international community, but supported in that case by a respectable number of the United Nation member states. A great many legal issues have been raised by the International Court of Justice's Advisory Opinion on Kosovo. This opinion was eagerly awaited by legal scholars due to both its possible effects and the scope of its principles outside the context of decolonization in what it could constitute of new approach to the international scenario for the twenty-first century. The ICJ stated that the declaration of independence was in accordance with international law if it was not prohibited. The answer turned on whether or not international law prohibited the declaration of independence, without ever examining whether an entity seeking secession is entitled with a positive right to secede and if so, under which circumstances. The basic issue can be summarised as whether or not we are facing a new course in the interpretation of certain classical categories of international law: the principle of territorial integrity, statehood, sovereignty, recognition, the right to external self-determination, etc. In this study we shall analyse some of the aspects arising from the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice on the Accordance with international law of the unilateral declaration of independence in respect of Kosovo focusing on the territorial issue. Firstly we shall analyse the scope of the principle of territorial integrity of States and how it operates ; secondly, we shall focus on the scope of that principle in relation to the interior of the State, and ask ourselves how international law operates in relation to declarations of independence. Lastly, we shall deal with the principle of respect for territorial integrity in the specific case of Serbia with respect to Kosovo, and then end with a series of general conclusions. This study aims, definitely, to contribute to the theoretical debate on the challenges to the traditional certainties of international law in this area.

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Using a longitudinal study, an overall behavioural model with three related phases (cognitive, motivational and volitional phase) across three studies was examined to identify the factors that most prominently drive consumer environmental behaviour. This thesis provides empirical evidence to support the behavioural model in an environmental consumption context and shows a new avenue for promoting consumer environmental behaviour.

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Does job control act as a stress-buffer when employees' type and level of work self-determination is taken into account? It was anticipated that job control would only be stress-buffering for employees high in self-determined and low in non-self-determined work motivation. In contrast, job control would be stress-exacerbating for employees who were low in self-determined and high in non-self-determined work motivation. Employees of a health insurance organization (N = 123) completed a survey on perceptions of role overload, job control, work self-determination, and a range of strain and engagement indicators. Results revealed that, when individuals high in self-determination perceived high job control, they experienced greater engagement (in the form of dedication to their work). In addition, when individuals high in non-self-determination perceived high job demands, they experienced more health complaints. A significant 3-way interaction demonstrated that, for individuals low in non-self-determination, high job control had the anticipated stress-buffering effect on engagement (in the form of absorption in their work). In addition, low job control was stress-exacerbating. However, contrary to expectations, for those high in non-self-determination, high job control was just as useful as low job control as a stress-buffer. The practical applications of these findings to the organizational context are discussed.

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The classification of a concrete mixture as self-compacting (SCC) is performed by a series of empirical characterization tests that have been designed to assess not only the flowability of the mixture but also its segregation resistance and filling ability. The objective of the present work is to correlate the rheological parameters of SCC matrix, yield stress and plastic viscosity, to slump flow measurements. The focus of the slump flow test investigation was centered on the fully yielded flow regime and an empirical model relating the yield stress to material and flow parameters is proposed. Our experimental data revealed that the time for a spread of 500 mm which is used in engineering practice as reference for measurement parameters, is an arbitrary choice. Our findings indicate that the non-dimensional final spread is linearly related to the non-dimensional yield-stress. Finally, there are strong indications that the non-dimensional viscosity of the mixture is associated with the non-dimensional final spread as well as the stopping time of the slump flow; this experimental data set suggests an exponential decay of the final spread and stopping time with viscosity. © Appl. Rheol.

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This article explores the doctrine of self-defence within the context of the challenges directed at the imminence requirement, from the perspective of both national and international law. The article will attempt to illustrate that the requirement of imminence underlines the political character of the self-defence doctrine wherein private force may only be resorted to in the absence of institutional protection. This study will argue that the imminence rule can not merely be regarded as a "proxy" for establishing necessity; rather, the elements of imminence, necessity, and proportionality are inextricably connected to ensure that defensive force is only resorted to when national or international authorities are not in a position to prevent an illegal aggression, and that the defensive lethal force is not abused.

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The right to self-defence has lately been subjected to intense academic controversy, both at the domestic and international level. The debate is focused on the question of whether or not the requirement of imminence is merely a translator for the notion of necessity. At the domestic level, the debate has mainly been kindled by feminist scholars, who, in the context of the 'battered woman', argue that the requirement of imminence should be discarded from the contours of the self-defence doctrine. The purpose of this article is to prove the necessity of the imminence requirement as a litmus test to detect possible abuses of the self-defence doctrine.

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Dissertação de Mestrado, Gestão de Recursos Humanos, Escola Superior de Gestão, Hotelaria e Turismo, Faculdade de Ciências Humanas e Sociais, Universidade do Algarve, 2015