Catholic worker movement: un análisis desde la acción política no violenta y la lógica transnacional de los movimientos sociales

El Catholic Worker Movement se ha caracterizado por enmarcarse en las dinámicas de movilización social y acción política no violenta, que respondían, desde su creación en 1933, a un conjunto de problemáticas sociales y económicas sobre las cuales la sociedad civil se interesó y dio inicio a su actividad en escenarios de la política doméstica de Estados Unidos. Pese a ser un movimiento que surgió en un contexto nacional con fundamentación religiosa, el CWM alcanzó el desarrollo de lógicas transnacionales que contribuyeron a la defensa de su causa y a la reivindicación de valores y principios que motivarían posteriormente a la búsqueda de recursos para reforzar su lucha. Así, el proceso de evolución del movimiento tomó dirección en torno a fenómenos como la difusión, la adquisición de repertorios de acción colectiva correspondientes a la no violencia, y al aprovechamiento de factores exógenos y endógenos representados en distintas formas de oportunidad política y capacidad organizativa.

Cartas schillerianas: a conciliação entre a dimensão estética e política

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Desenvolvimento local sustentável como liberdade: uma experiência de planejamento estratégico do Grupo de Mulheres Erva Vida

A presente dissertação intitulada Desenvolvimento Local Sustentável como Liberdade: uma Experiência de Planejamento Estratégico do Grupo de Mulheres Erva Vida tem como objetivo principal analisar as perspectivas das participantes do grupo Erva Vida na discussão de estratégias que contribuam para o processo de desenvolvimento local sustentável. Alicerça seu arcabouço teórico, na apropriação do conceito de Instrumental Freedoms (IF’s) , discutidas por Amartya Sen (2000). São ao mesmo tempo o fim e o meio do processo de desenvolvimento. Estão entrelaçadas e se fortalecem à medida que são alcançadas. Essas liberdades instrumentais foram denominadas de political freedom; econômic facilities; social opportunities; transparency e guarantees e measures ensurig social protection and security. Para alcance dos resultados desta pesquisa, foram observados os aspectos internos e externos de uma organização social e análise das perspectivas de remoção de restrições a essas liberdades, a partir de uma experiência de Planejamento Estratégico conduzido junto ao grupo de mulheres Erva Vida, em Marapanim (PA). O grupo foi selecionado a partir de uma ação de economia solidária, desenvolvida pelo laboratório de Etnofarmácia, do Núcleo de Meio Ambiente da UFPA com uma associação de mulheres do bairro Sossego, no distrito de Marudá, em Marapanim (PA) envolvidas na produção de remédios artesanais. Considerando os resultados desta pesquisa, os produtos diretos constituem-se no documento de planejamento estratégico do grupo e num manual de orientação para facilitadores de planejamento local. Esses produtos podem contribuir indiretamente para o aperfeiçoamento das políticas públicas de desenvolvimento sustentável local na região amazônica, contribuindo, em linhas gerais, diretamente nas ferramentas para formulação de propostas para gestão de recursos naturais.

Lei e liberdade na ADPF 130: uma leitura da decisão a partir de Hannah Arendt

Esta dissertação pretende analisar criticamente o julgado da ADPF 130, a luz do pensamento político de Hannah Arendt, em razão de conduzir o debate do significado da imprensa idônea para a promoção da liberdade de expressão quando torna efetivo o princípio da publicidade na esfera pública. O pensamento da autora contribui para avaliar criticamente a racionalidade do Poder judiciário brasileiro na decisão da ADPF 130 pelo fato deste conceber de modo questionável a imprensa ter o papel democrático de ser formadora de opinião pública e de compreender que qualquer lei para regulamentar a atividade midiática implica automaticamente em cair no risco da censura prévia. No capítulo I, o trabalho sumariza as argumentações propostas na ADPF para indicar que a maioria dos votos dos ministros se situa a partir das concepções gerais do liberalismo e as suas consequências para atuação da imprensa na democracia brasileira. Em seguida, na primeira parte do capítulo II serão apresentadas as principais características do pensamento político de Arendt contempladas nas obras A condição humana e Origens do totalitarismo, em uma perspectiva de situá-las na tradição política do pensamento político ocidental, expondo, de forma geral, os contornos de seu sistema político, como: distinção entre domínio público e domínio privado, vita activa e doxa e função da lei. Assim, passa-se a analisar, em momento posterior no capítulo II as manifestações do pensamento arendtiano em torno da liberdade de expressão e a repercussão do seu significado na imprensa idônea. O capítulo III posiciona o pensamento arendtiano na tradição política do mundo ocidental. Nele, Arendt aponta quando a liberdade política que se manifesta entre o eu-posso e eu-quero se dissocia, o qual ocasiona obstáculos para a aparição da doxa no agir em concerto entre os homens. Assim, equivocadamente a política passa a ser vista apenas como um velho truísmo de assegurar a liberdade. Compreendemos que, neste contexto, a imprensa é concebida pela maioria dos votos dos ministros com o papel de ser formadora de opinião pública pelo fato de considerarem implicitamente que vivemos numa democracia onde os homens não participam efetivamente na vida pública.

The Impact of Foreign Direct Investment on Economic Growth

Over the past four decades, the number of democracies in the world has increased exponentially. This project considers how democracy and FDI affect economic growth as well as whether the impact of FDI depends on the level of democracy in a country. Thus, I explore two major research questions: 1) Whether increased FDI speeds up economic growth, controlling for political regime type, urbanization and other developmental indicators; and 2) Whether an increase in political freedom helps or hinders economic growth, and specifically whether the impact of FDI varies depending on the political regime in the recipient country. To examine these questions, this paper used data from 150 countries over a period between 1980 and 2010 and utilized several models, testing variables such as institutions, agglomerations, urbanization, FDI and type of political regime, among others, for their impact on economic growth. I found that FDI does have a positive impact on economic growth, and that this impact is often magnified when it interacts with other relevant factors. I also found that, after controlling for other variables, FDI inflows do not have a different impact on economic growth in autocracies than they do in democracies. This may be partially explained by autocratic outliers such as China and the OPEC states, which have recently experienced rapid export-led growth. This suggests that factors such as education could have a greater impact on a country¿s economic growth than does its political system.

A intimidade afetiva e sexual na imprensa em Portugal (1968-1978)

Tese de doutoramento, Sociologia (Sociologia da Cultura, Comunicação, e Estilos de Vida), Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, 2016

A tale of two cities: Education responds to globalisation in Hong Kong and Singapore in the aftermath of the Asian economic crisi

It has been suggested that although the most theorisation about globalisation has emerged from “western” contexts, the material implications of globalisation have been felt most strongly in non-western regions. With this in mind, we are undertaking a situated analysis of how two states, Singapore and Hong Kong, are interacting with the broader processes of globalisation through their educational policies. We apply Foucault's conceptual tool of governmentality to understand (i) the conduct of governing in the contemporary nation-state, and (ii) how the “right” rationalities are being inculcated by government to create “desiring subjects” who will play their part in ensuring national prosperity. We use the Asian Economic Crisis as a point of departure to show how global-local tensions are being managed by Singapore and Hong Kong. We conclude that both these global cities have adroitly managed the Asian economic crisis to steer their citizens away from pursuits of greater political freedom and towards concerns of material well being. They have done so through a selective interpretation of globalisation, by simultaneously resisting and embracing the contradictory strands of globalisation. Education has emerged as a critical space for this selective absorption of globalising trends.

A dissertation on the freedom of navigation and maritime commerce, and such rights of states relative thereto as are founded on the laws of nations: adapted more particularly to the United States, and interspersed with moral and political reflections and historical facts : with an appendix containing sundry state papers /

Sabin

‘DEVOTED TO THE INTERESTS OF HIS RACE’: BLACK OFFICEHOLDERS AND THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF FREEDOM IN WILMINGTON, NORTH CAROLINA, 1865-1877

This dissertation examines black officeholding in Wilmington, North Carolina, from emancipation in 1865 through 1876, when Democrats gained control of the state government and brought Reconstruction to an end. It considers the struggle for black office holding in the city, the black men who held office, the dynamic political culture of which they were a part, and their significance in the day-to-day lives of their constituents. Once they were enfranchised, black Wilmingtonians, who constituted a majority of the city’s population, used their voting leverage to negotiate the election of black men to public office. They did so by using Republican factionalism or what the dissertation argues was an alternative partisanship. Ultimately, it was not factional divisions, but voter suppression, gerrymandering, and constitutional revisions that made local government appointive rather than elective, Democrats at the state level chipped away at the political gains black Wilmingtonians had made.

Charity law, advocacy and the aid/watch decision : compatibility of charitable purposes and political objects — the view from Australia

Introduction In 1952 the Nathan report stated that: Some of the most valuable activities of voluntary societies consist, however, in the fact that they may be able to stand aside from and criticize State action or inaction, in the interests of the inarticulate man in the street. Some 60 years later it remained the case that if a voluntary society wanted to gain or retain charitable status then, contrary to the Nathan report, the one thing it could not do was set itself up with the purpose of criticizing State action or inaction. This legal position was adopted by the authorities in Australia with the Australian Taxation Office (ATO) noting in Taxation Ruling TR2005/21: 102. An institution or fund is not charitable if its purpose is advocating a political party or cause, attempting to change the law or government policy, or propagating or promoting a particular point of view. So, why, if it is such a valuable activity, have governments steadfastly refused to allow charities to have as their purpose the freedom to advocate in this way and how has this situation been affected by the recent High Court of Australia decision in Aid/Watch v Commissioner of Taxation? This article proposes to address such questions. Beginning with some background history, it explains that, initially, the current constraints did not apply. Then it looks at the nature of these constraints: how does the law define what constitutes the type of political activity that a charity must not undertake? What is the rationale for prohibition? How has the judiciary contributed to the development of the law in this area in recent years? This will lead into a consideration of the Aid/Watch case and the implications arising from the recent final decision. The article concludes by reflecting on what has changed and why the view on this contentious matter now looks different from Australia.

Pacific Journalism Review : Twenty years on the front line of regional identity and freedom

Pacific Journalism Review has consistently, at a good standard, honoured its 1994 founding goal: to be a credible peer-reviewed journal in the Asia-Pacific region, probing developments in journalism and media, and supporting journalism education. Global, it considers new media and social movements; ‘regional’, it promotes vernacular media, human freedoms and sustainable development. Asking how it developed, the method for this article was to research the archive, noting authors, subject matter, themes. The article concludes that one answer is the journal’s collegiate approach; hundreds of academics, journalists and others, have been invited to contribute. Second has been the dedication of its one principal editor, Professor David Robie, always somehow providing resources—at Port Moresby, Suva, and now Auckland—with a consistent editorial stance. Eclectic, not partisan, it has nevertheless been vigilant over rights, such as monitoring the Fiji coups d’etat. Watching through a media lens, it follows a ‘Pacific way’, handling hard information through understanding and consensus. It has 237 subscriptions indexed to seven databases. Open source, it receives more than 1000 site visits weekly. With ‘clientele’ mostly in Australia, New Zealand and ‘Oceania’, it extends much further afield. From 1994 to 2014, 701 articles and reviews were published, now more than 24 scholarly articles each year.

Communication and Political Crisis: Media, Politics and Governance in a Globalized Public Sphere

Communication and Political Crisis explores the role of the global media in a period of intensifying geopolitical conflict. Through case studies drawn from domestic and international political crises such as the conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine, leading media scholar Brian McNair argues that the digitized, globalized public sphere now confronted by all political actors has produced new opportunities for social progress and democratic reform, as well as new channels for state propaganda and terrorist spectaculars such as those performed by the Islamic State and Al Qaeda. In this major work, McNair argues that the role of digital communication will be crucial in determining the outcome of pressing global issues such as the future of feminism and gay rights, freedom of speech and media, and democracy itself.