W imię jedności.

Mode of access: Internet.

Réflexions sur le problème polonais,

Mode of access: Internet.

Zarys sprawy polskiej w obecnej wojnie; rozmyślania polityczne na obecną pore.

Mode of access: Internet.

Die Zukunft Polens,

Mode of access: Internet.

Powstanie listopadowe /

"Przemówienie, wygłoszone w Lozannie w sali Kasyna w dniu 29 Listopada 1915 roku".

Zmartwychwstanie polski jej przeszlosc i warunki rozwoju w przyszlosci.

Mode of access: Internet.

Russko-polʹskīi︠a︡ otnoshenīi︠a︡ : ocherk /

Mode of access: Internet.

Lettres slaves /

--t. 2. 1833-1864: Pologne-Europe-Moskovie. L'insurrection de 1863.

Sprawa Polski w Parlamencie Angielskim w roku 1862.

Mode of access: Internet.

Germanīi︠a︡, Rossīi︠a︡ i polʹskīĭ vopros /

Mode of access: Internet.

De la nationalité polonaise dans l'équilibre européen,

With this is bound: Développement de la protestation de 3076 émigrés polonais contre l'immixion du prince Adam Czartoryski dans les affaires de Pologne. Bruxelles, Principaux Libraires, 1855.

Zur Lösung der polnischen Frage : offener Brief an Herrn George Cleinow, Redakteur der "Grenzboten", und Herrn Maximilian Harden, Redakteur der "Zukunft" /

Mode of access: Internet.

Études sur l'avenir de la Russie ...

Imprint varies.

State Agent, Identity and the "New World Order" : Reconstructing Polish Defence Identity after the Cold War Era

National identity signifies and makes state s defence- and foreign policy behaviour meaningful. National consciousness is narrated into existence by narratives upon one s own exceptionalism and Otherness of the other nations. While national identity may be understood merely as a self-image of a nation, defence identity refers to the borders of Otherness and issues that have been considered as worth defending for. As national identities and all the world order models are human constructions, they may be changed by the human efforts as well; states and nations may deliberately promote communitarian or even cosmopolitan equality and tolerance without borders of Otherness. The main research question of the thesis is: How does Poland constitute herself as a nation and a state agent in the current world order and to what extent have contextual foreign and defence policy interactions changed the Polish defence identity during the post-Cold War era? The main empirical argument of the thesis is: Poland is a narrated idea of a Christian Catholic nation-state, which the Polish State, the Catholic Church of Poland, the Armed Forces of Poland as well as a majority of the Polish nation share. Polish defence identity has been almost impenetrable to contextual foreign and defence policy interactions during the post-Cold War era. While Christian religious ontology binds corporate Poland together, allowing her to survive any number of military and political catastrophes, it simultaneously brings her closer to the USA, raises tensions in the infidel EU-context, and restrains corporate Poland s pursuit of communitarian, or even cosmopolitan, global equality and tolerance. It is not the case that corporate Poland s foreign and defence policy orientation is instinctively Atlanticist by nature, as has been argued. Rather, it has been the State s rational project to overcome a habituated and reified fear of becoming geopolitically sandwiched between Russian and German Others by leaning on the USA; among the Polish nation, support for the USA has been declining since 2004. It is not corporate Poland either that has turned into a constructive European , as has been argued, but rather the Polish nation that has, at least partly, managed to emancipate itself from its habituation to a betrayal by Europe narrative, since it favours the EU as much as it favours NATO. It seems that in the Polish case a truly common European CFSP vis-à-vis Russia may offer a solution that will emancipate the Polish State from its habituated EU-sceptic role identity and corporate Poland from its narrated borders of Otherness towards Russia and Germany, but even then one cannot be sure whether any other perspective than the Polish one on a common stand towards Russia would satisfy the Poles themselves.

Comparative Czech and Polish Perspectives and Policies on the Eastern Enlargement of the EU and the Prominence of the German Factor

With the end of the Cold War, which for central and eastern Europe in many respects meant the real political end to the Second World War, Germany regained its central position in the region. The Federal Republic quickly established itself as a major political and economic partner for both the Czech Republic and Poland. More importantly, due to its support for the idea of EU and NATO enlargement. Germany also became the most active western advocate of the Czech and Polish 'return to Europe'. The question remains, however, of whether Germany's relations with Poland and the Czech Republic can mature into a close axis like that enjoyed between Paris and Bonn/Berlin, or whether they will continue to develop along the lines of 'strategic congruence' but 'emotional mistrust and reserve'. The research here looked at three aspects of this question. First it considered the idea of a link between perceptions of Germany and broader considerations of European integration in Poland and the Czech Republic and outlined the ways in which Germany has motivated Czech and Polish activities and policies on EU membership. The team then focused upon on-going Czech and Polish EU integration strategies and sought to identify the actual ways in which Germany's advocacy of EU enlargement in manifest in cooperation 'on the ground'. The group concluded by considering prospects for Czech/German and Polish/German cooperation in the context of the enlarged European Union.