33 resultados para Paikull, Kurdistan.


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Erbil (Hawler in Kurdish), is the capital and the largest city of Iraqi Kurdistan. Having been continuously inhabited for about 6000 years, the city has recently been regarded by UNESCO World Heritage as one of the world’s oldest urban settlements. The city is witnessing remarkable urban growth and rapid spatial expansion compounded by a dramatic increase in population due to emigration from the countryside and rural areas over the last three decades. Following the changing geopolitical landscape of post-war Iraq, urban changes and socio-political transformation are largely driven by Erbil’s growing autonomous status as the capital of northern region of Kurdistan since 2003. This paper explores the layers of historical, spatial and social developments of the contemporary urban context of Kurdistan in general and of Erbil in particular as a reflection of the changing status of the city, as well as the polarization of Iraq and the emergence of neoliberal urbanism. The tension between the global and modern from one side and traditional and authentic from another is ever present and evident in everyday challenges in the planning of the city. In large part, Erbil’s built fabric embodies the dichotomy of identity and contests between its past and future, in which the present remains a transition between two disconnected realities.

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Die Stadt Kirkuk liegt im Norden des Irak, ist die Hauptstadt der Provinz Kirkuk. Heute hat die Stadt ca. 800.000 Einwohner, die Provinz etwa 1 Mio. Die Entstehungsgeschichte der Stadt reicht bis ins Jahr 2000 v. Chr. zurück. Die Entwicklung der Stadt ist geprägt durch verschiedene Epochen der Herrscher und Besatzer, die zum Teil über mehrere Jahrhunderte dauerten und durch den Zuzug unterschiedlicher Völker und Stämme. Die heutige Situation der Stadt Kirkuk zeigt die Auswirkungen der gezielten Maßnahmen Zentralregierungen in den Jahren von 1958 bis 2003. Diese Zeit war bestimmt durch Vernachlässigung der baulichen Strukturen und Arabisierung der Bevölkerungsstrukturen. Zu den Methoden der Arabisierung gehörte neben der Ansiedlung von Arabern auch die Vertreibung und Verfeindung der ethnischen Gruppen. Der Zusammenbruch der gesamten Infrastruktur und ein zerstörtes Stadtbild bestimmen heute die Landschaft der Stadt. Die heutige Vielfältigkeit der Gesellschaft in Kirkuk umfasst das Zusammenleben von verschiedenen Ethnien und religiösen Gruppen: Kurden, Turkmenen, Araber, Assyrer und Chaldäer. Ein Ziel der Arbeit war es, diese multikulturelle Vielfalt der Stadt offen zu legen und dadurch Grundlagen für ein harmonisches Zusammenleben der verschiedenen ethnischen und religiösen Gruppierungen darzustellen. Hierzu wurden die gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungsprozesse seit der Beendigung der osmanischen Herrschaft im Jahre 1900 untersucht. Denn verschiedene Epochen zeigten, dass die Gruppierungen der Gesellschaft Kirkuks fähig waren ein reibungsloses Zusammenleben in der Gemeinschaft zu führen. Diese untersuchte Zeitspanne umfasst verschiedene politische Umbrüche: Gründung des Staates Irak, Mandatrecht der Engländer über den Irak, Verwaltung des Iraks in der Monarchie, die Entdeckung und Vermarktung des Erdöls in Kirkuk, Ausrufung der Republik Irak und Beendigung der Monarchie, Machtübernahme durch den Militärputsch, Beendigung der Republikregierungen durch Alliierten und Beginn des Demokratisierungsprozesses des irakischen Politiksystems. Weiteres Ziel dieser Arbeit war es, einen konzeptionellen Beitrag zum Wiederaufbau der Stadt Kirkuk zu leisten, damit die verschiedenen kulturell-ethnischen Gruppen die Stadt als ihren Ort finden. Die aktuellen Schwierigkeiten hinsichtlich der Lebenssituation in der Stadt wären zu überwinden wenn jede der in der Stadt lebenden Gruppen die Stadt als Heimat aller Gruppen ansehen würde. Auf dem Weg zu diesem Ziel soll diese Arbeit eine Grundlage für die Diskussion über die Identität von Kirkuk sein. Sie bietet Ansätze zur Beantwortung folgender Fragen: Wie kann der Umgang einer vielfältigen Gesellschaft mit sozialen Spannungen, in Folge von politischen Auseinandersetzungen, in den sozialen und politischen Bereichen aussehen, um die Gestaltung des Demokratisierungsprozesses zu unterstützen? Wie kann die städtebauliche Modernisierung gelingen ohne die historischen Strukturen der Stadt zu zerstören? Wie kann die Zusammengehörigkeit der verschiedenen Gruppen in der vielfältigen Stadt durch städtebauliche Ideen unterstützt werden?

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Las relaciones entre Turquía e Irak se han visto afectadas por las pretensiones del PKK por conseguir un Estado independiente kurdo a partir de la toma de territorio de estos dos países e incluyendo Siria e Irán. Este grupo insurgente ha sido un elemento para que las relaciones entre Turquía e Irak giren entorno al diálogo, cooperación y tensiones diplomáticas. El presente trabajo pretende dar a los lectores un análisis sobre cómo las diferentes estrategias de guerra del PKK han incidido en la política, tanto de Turquía como de Irak y en sus relaciones bilaterales. Así mismo, se quiere dar a conocer cuál es la postura tanto de Irak como de Turquía frente al PKK y cuáles han sido los mecanismos, tanto de cooperación como de fuerzas, que han sido utilizados para neutralizar la amenaza conjunta.

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Este estudio de caso se enfoca en identificar cuales fueron los factores que motivaron la participación de los partidos kurdos PDK y UPK en la invasión a Irak 2003 – 2009. Con base en los supuestos teóricos de autores realistas K.Waltz, M. Ayoob y liberales y R. Keohane y J. Nye, se estudian las dinámicas y las interacciones que permitieron establecer un acercamiento con los Estados Unidos con un énfasis específico en los intereses políticos de los partidos kurdos. El kurdistán iraquí llega a ser el área clave para el acercamiento de la potencia a la zona y los intereses políticos permitieron establecer un escenario de cooperación e interdependencia, incrementando tanto la participación como la autonomía de los kurdos en las dinámicas del país y de la región.

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Esta investigación tiene como objetivo evidenciar la tensión entre legalidad y legitimidad, a raíz de la intervención de Estados Unidos en Irak en el año 2003. Dicha tensión es el resultado de la implementación de procedimientos democráticos que promovieron cambios legales en el gobierno iraquí. Sin embargo, fue la instrumentalización de tales procedimientos lo que generó una falta de legitimidad del gobierno iraquí por parte de algunos sectores sociales, debido a los intereses económicos, políticos y sociales que tenían aquellos grupos que detentaban el poder. La investigación ofrece un análisis sobre Irak bajo los conceptos de democracia formal, democracia sustancial, legalidad y legitimidad, con el propósito de comprender de manera detallada el tipo de democracia que se estableció en Irak y las tensiones generadas en la sociedad iraquí.

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El interés de esta monografía es analizar las interacciones no-lineales con resultados emergentes que mantuvo la comunidad kurda en Siria, durante el periodo 2011-2014, y por las cuales se produjeron formas de auto-organización como resultado de la estructura compleja a la que pertenece. De esta forma, se explica cómo a raíz de la crisis política siria y los enfrentamientos con el Estado Islámico, se transformó el rol de los kurdos en Siria y se influenciaron las estructuras políticas del país y las naciones de la región con población kurda. Por lo tanto, esta investigación se propone analizar este fenómeno a través del enfoque de complejidad en Relaciones Internacionales y el concepto de Auto-Organización. A partir de ello, se indaga sobre las interacciones surgidas en estructuras más pequeñas, que habrían afectado un sistema mayor; estableciendo nuevas formas de organización que no pueden ser explicadas, únicamente, a partir de elementos causales.

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Este estudio tiene como objetivo analizar los elementos que articulan la Política Exterior de los Estados Unidos hacia Turquía, en materia de seguridad, y su influencia en el Kurdistán, ya que en el periodo 2003-2009 se presentaron acontecimientos que marcaron la vida política, económica, militar y social de la región del Medio Oriente, caracterizado por la presencia de los Estados Unidos. Esta investigación se desarrollara de acuerdo con el modelo de monografía, para dar un análisis teórico sobre el tema delimitado anteriormente. Se espera que el presente estudio sirva para que el lector comprenda las diferentes actuaciones de los Estados Unidos en el escenario internacional, para la consecución de sus intereses y que tenga un acercamiento en las diferentes relaciones entre los Estados para entender mejor los acontecimientos que se presentaron en el periodo a analizar.

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This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: Karte der Kaukasus-Länder und der angränzenden Türkischen und Persischen Provinzen Armenien, Kurdistan, und Azerbeidjan, bearbeitet und gezeichnet von H. Kiepert. It was published by Bei Dietrich Reimer in 1854. Scale 1:1,500,000. Covers the Caucasus. Map in German. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to a modified 'Europe Lambert Conformal Conic' projection with a central meridian of 44 degrees East projection. All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as drainage, cities and other human settlements, roads, railroads, churches, territorial boundaries, shoreline features, and more. Relief shown by hachures and spot heights. This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from the Harvard Map Collection as part of the Open Collections Program at Harvard University project: Islamic Heritage Project. Maps selected for the project represent a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and purposes. The Islamic Heritage Project consists of over 100,000 digitized pages from Harvard's collections of Islamic manuscripts and published materials. Supported by Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal and developed in association with the Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal Islamic Studies Program at Harvard University.

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Introduction. In 2003, Iraq was invaded by the US coalition forces that ousted Saddam Hussein’s regime from power before occupying the whole country. The intension, declared by the then American George W. Bush, was to ‘build a decent and democratic society at the centre of the Middle East’ that ‘will become a place of progress and peace.’1 In 2014, three years after the withdrawal of the last American soldier, however, it is difficult to overestimate or exaggerate what is at stake. National unity and territorial integrity have never been so seriously threatened since the country is experiencing the internal fighting in its modern history. Many parts of Iraq, including the northern oil city of Kirkuk, long claimed as an integral part of the semi-autonomous region of Kurdistan, are out of the control of the central government. Large areas in the north including the strategic city of Mosul were seized by the fighters of the Islamic State, an Al-Qaeda offshoot, formerly known as ISIS, who threatened to invade the Kurdistan region before being attacked by airstrikes by the US. They proclaimed a caliphate on both sides of the border with Syria, where they also control vast territory.

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The summer of 2014 saw an explosion of violence in the Middle East: Israel delivered a sledgehammer blow against Gaza, Lebanon was again the scene of terrorist onslaught, and the relentless war in Syria pushed the numbers of casualties and displaced people to record highs. In terms of geopolitical change, however, the advance of the ‘Islamic State’ and the emergence of a de facto independent Iraqi Kurdistan are the most important recent developments in the region. Common to all these conflicts are the levels of barbarity involved in this struggle for a place in the region’s security order.

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Highlights. • The European Commission’s February 2015 Energy Union Communication calls for intensified work on the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC) and the establishment of a new strategic energy partnership with Turkey. The presence of the European Union and Turkey in the region is complementary in a number of ways. Building on this could unlock the region’s gas export potential and make gas supplies to the EU and Turkey more secure. • The EU should establish dedicated energy diplomacy taskforces with Turkey and each potential supplier in the region (Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Iran, Kurdistan Region of Iraq). This would allow the EU and Turkey to make use of their complementary diplomatic leverages to overcome barriers to regional gas trade. • In parallel, the EU should establish with Turkey a dedicated financing mechanism to facilitate gas infrastructure investments, with a primary focus on the upgrade of the Turkish gas grid. The European Investment Bank might play a role in attracting private and institutional investors through its financing tools. • The four ‘EU-Turkey Energy Diplomacy Taskforces’ and the ‘EU-Turkey Gas Infrastructure Financing Initiative’ would be initiatives of the recently started EU-Turkey Strategic High Level Energy Dialogue. Simone Tagliapietra (simone.tagliapietra@bruegel.org) is Visiting Fellow at Bruegel. Georg Zachmann (georg.zachmann@bruegel.org) is Research Fellow at Bruegel. The authors thank Agata Łoskot-Strachota for comments that helped to improve the paper significantly,

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Turkey is headed to its second parliamentary election in five months with snap polls slated for November 1. The election will take place in a highly charged atmosphere with escalating violence and financial volatility. The renewed conflict between Turkey and the terrorist Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) is spreading throughout the country with the rise of ethnic tensions posing a big threat to internal harmony. Even a peace rally in the capital Ankara was hit by suicide bombers marking the deadliest terror attack in Turkey's history. Turkey, which has always been the most stable country in a turbulent region, risks its security being seriously jeopardised unless the violence is urgently stopped and the political ambiguity is ended through a stable government.

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Turkey is headed to its second parliamentary election in five months with snap polls slated for November 1. The election will take place in a highly charged atmosphere with escalating violence and financial volatility. The renewed conflict between Turkey and the terrorist Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) is spreading throughout the country with the rise of ethnic tensions posing a big threat to internal harmony. Even a peace rally in the capital Ankara was hit by suicide bombers marking the deadliest terror attack in Turkey's history. Turkey, which has always been the most stable country in a turbulent region, risks its security being seriously jeopardised unless the violence is urgently stopped and the political ambiguity is ended through a stable government.

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Since mid-2015 Turkey has been affected by a deep internal crisis, caused by rising political polarisation, increased levels of terrorist threat (posed by the Kurds and Islamic radicals) and the revived conflict with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). As a consequence of this crisis, over 350,000 residents of south-eastern Turkey have been forced to leave their homes. At the same time, due to the migration crisis and despite mutual distrust in relations between Turkey and the EU, cooperation between Ankara and Brussels has been intensifying. Turkey’s ongoing destabilisation does not challenge the status of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which is de facto controlled by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan; paradoxically, it strengthens the party. The internal crisis which the authorities have been deliberately fuelling is an element of a plan to rubber-stamp political change by introducing a presidential system of government. This is happening amid a thorough reconstruction of the socio-political order which has been underway for over a decade. In the upcoming months it is expected to result in the constitution being changed and, as a consequence, the institutionalisation of Erdoğan’s autocratic rule.

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Atlas has title: Cartes des rives méridionales de la mer Caspienne, du Kurdistan, du Moukri et de l'Élam.