999 resultados para Netzel, Laura, 1839-1927


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The dissertation analyzes and elaborates upon the changing map of U.S. ethno-racial formation from the vantage point of North American Studies, multi-disciplinary cultural studies, and the criticism of visual culture. The focus is on four contemporary Mexican American (Chicana) women photographers, whose art production is discussed, on the one hand, in the context of the Euro-American history of photographic genres and, on the other hand, in the context of so-called decolonizing cultural and academic discourses produced by Mexican Americans themselves. The manuscript consists of two parts. Part I outlines the theoretical and methodological domain of the study, positioning it in the interstices of American studies, European postmodern criticism, postcolonial feminist theory, and the theories of visual culture, particularly of art photography. In addition, the main issues and paradigms of Chicano Studies (Mexican American ethnic studies) are introduced. Part II consists of seven essays, each of which discusses rather independently a particular photographic work or a series of photographs, formulating and defending arguments about their meaning, position in the history of photographic genres, and their cultural and socio-political significance. The study closes with a discussion about ethno-racial identity formation and the role of Chicana photography therein - in embodying and reproducing new subjectivities, alternative categories of knowledge, and open ended historical narratives. It is argued that, symbolically, the "Wild Zone" of gendered and race-specific knowledge becomes associated with the body of the mother, a recurrent image in Chicana art works under discussion. Embedded in this image, the construction of an alternative notion of a family thus articulates the parameters of a matrifocal ethno-racial community unified by the proliferation of differences rather than by conformities typical of nationalistic ideologies. While focusing on art photography, the study as a whole simultaneously constructs, from a European vantage point, a "thick" description of Mexican American history, identities, communities, cultural practices, and self-representations about which very little is known in Finland.

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Laura (1878-1917) died during a flu epidemic. She married Sigmund Stiassny and had two children, Lisbeth (Gersuny) (1900-1986) and Walter (1902-1912) who died of a ruptured appendix.

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Correspondence, diaries, acount books, pamphlets, and other personal and professional materials pertaining to Jacob da Silva Solis and his descendents.

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Copy of Brasch Family Tree from 1796

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Dissertation certificate for Richard Spiegel, 1927. Photo of Spiegel as a student. Artist resume. Photographs of his artwork.

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The Population Register – run by the Church or the state? The problem posed by the obligation to belong to a religious community in the registration of births and deaths in Finland between 1839 and 1904 The Lutheran Church of Finland is the nation’s largest church; approximately 82 per cent of Finns were members in 2007. The Church ran an official register of its members until 1999, when the state then undertook this task. The registration of births and deaths by the Church has a long history dating back to the 17th century, when Bishop Johannes Gezelius Sr. decreed that all parish members would have to be recorded in parish registers. These registers were used to control how well parish members knew the Christian doctrine and, gradually, also if they were literate. Additionally, the Church attempted to ensure by means of the parish registers that parish members went to Holy Communion annually. Since everyone was a member of the Lutheran Church, the state also took advantage of the parish registers and used them for the purposes of tax collection and conscription. The main research theme of “The Population Register – run by the Church or the state?” goes back to these times. The actual research period covers the years of 1839–1904. At that time Finland was under Russian rule, although autonomous. In the late 19th century the press and different associations in Finland began to engage in public debate, and the country started moving from a submissive society to a civic one. The identity of the Lutheran Church also became more prominent when the Church Act and the General Synod were realised in 1869. A few years earlier, municipal and parish administrations had been separated, but the general registration of births and deaths was left to the Church to see to. In compliance with the constitution of the country, all the inhabitants in principle still had to be Lutheran. In practice, the situation was different. The religious and ideological realms diversified, and the Lutheran concept of religion was no longer acceptable to everyone. The conflict was reflected in the registration of births and deaths, which was linked to the Lutheran Church and its parish registers. Nobody was allowed to leave the Church, there was no civil register, and the Lutheran Church did not consent to record unbaptized children in the parish registers. Therefore such children were left without civil rights. Thus the obligation to belong to a religious community had become a problem in the registration of births and deaths. The Lutheran clergy also appealed to the 1723 privileges, according to which they had been exempted from the drawing up of additional population registers. In 1889 Finland passed the Dissenters Act. By virtue of this act the Baptists and the Methodists left the state Church, but this was not the case with the members of the free churches. The freethinkers had to retain their church membership, as the law did not apply to them. This meant that the unbaptized children of the members of the free churches or those of freethinkers were still not entered in any registers. The children were not able to go to school, work for the state or legally marry. Neither were they able to inherit property, as they did not legally exist. The system of parish registers was created when everyone was required to be a member of the Lutheran Church, but it did not work when liberal attitudes eventually penetrated the sphere of religion, too. The government´s measures to solve the problem were slow and cautious, partly because Finland was part of Russia, partly because there were only about 100 unbaptized children. As the problem group was small and the state´s resources were limited, no general civil register was established. The state accepted the fact that in spite of the problems, the Evangelical Lutheran Church and the congregations of dissenters were the only official establishments to run populations registers in the country, and for social purposes, too. In 1900 the Diet of Finland finally approved a limited civil register, which unbaptized children and unregistered foreigners would be recorded in. Due to political reasons the civil register did not come into existence until 1917, after the actual research period.

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Tässä tutkimuksessa tutkittiin kanadalaisen kirjailijan L. M. Montgomeryn (1874 1942) elämää vuosina 1921 1927. Kyseisinä vuosina Montgomery eli presbyteeripapin vaimona maaseutuseurakunnissa, ensin Leaskdalessa ja sitten Norvalissa Kanadan Ontariossa. Tutkimus keskittyi tarkastelemaan kirjailijan elämää hallinnutta ristiriitaa, joka muodostui uskonnollisten ihanteiden ja yksilöllisen kokemuksen välisistä eroavaisuuksista. Primäärilähteinä olivat Montgomeryn toimitetut ja julkaistut päiväkirjat The Selected Journals of L. M. Montgomery 1 5 (1985 2004), joista käytettiin etenkin tutkimusvuosiin keskittyvää kolmatta osaa, Montgomeryn neljä romaania Emily of New Moon (1923), Emily Climbs (1925), Blue Castle (1926) ja Emily's Quest (1927) sekä Montgomeryn toimitettu ja julkaistu kirjeenvaihto After Green Gables: L. M. Montgomery's Letters to Ephraim Weber , 1916 1941 (2006) ja My Dear Mr. M.: Letters to G. B. MacMillan (1980). Lisäksi lähteinä oli Leaskdalen seurakuntalaisten kokoama muistelmateos Montgomerysta. Kirjallisuutta käytettiin kirkkohistorian, kirjallisuudentutkimuksen ja naistutkimuksen alalta. Suositusta kirjailijasta on tehty useampia elämäkertoja ja niitä hyödynnettiin tutkimuksessa. Tutkimus jakautui kahteen päälukuun, jotka toimivat toistensa vastaparina. Ensimmäinen tutkimusluku keskittyi tarkastelemaan uskonnollisia ja viktoriaanisia ihanteita, joiden mukaisesti Montgomery oli saanut kasvatuksen. Hän pyrki täyttämään näitä ihanteita myös pappilan emäntänä. Toinen tutkimusluku tarkasteli kirjailijan elämää, uskonnollisia ajatuksia ja avioliittoa julkisivun takana, jolloin kävi selvästi ilmi kirjailijan kahtiajakautunut elämä. Montgomery sai presbyteerisen ja viktoriaanisen kasvatuksen ja oppi jo lapsena huomioimaan sen, mitä muut ihmiset ajattelevat hänestä. Hän eli pienissä maaseutuyhteisöissä, joissa juoruilu oli yksi kontrollin väline. Papin vaimolla oli velvollisuuksia seurakunnassa ja pappilan hoidossa, ja Montgomery hoiti ne tarmokkaasti ja velvollisuudentuntoisesti. Hänellä oli apulainen pappilassa, jossa arki sujui viikkoaikataulun mukaisesti. Papin vaimon roolin lisäksi Montgomery jatkoi omaa kirjoittamistyötään ja hänen runsaat tulonsa mahdollistivat nelihenkisen perheen monet hankinnat. Hänen avioliittonsa oli vaikea, sillä aviomies kärsi uskonnollisesta melankoliasta ja asia piti salata seurakuntalaisilta. Montgomery käsittelee uskonnollisia teemoja romaaneissaan ja päiväkirjassaan. Hänen uskonnolliset ajatuksensa erosivat presbyteerikirkon opista useassa kohdin. Hän ei uskonut moneenkaan opinkappaleeseen, kohtasi Jumalan ennemmin luonnossa ollessaan yksin kuin kirkossa seurakunnan keskellä sekä ajatteli kristinuskon olevan jäännös menneestä ja tieteen ottaneen sen paikan Jumalan toiminnan kanavana. Kirjailijan ajattelussa on yhtymäkohtia transsendentalismiin, teosofiaan ja darwinismiin. Hän oli innokas psykologisen kirjallisuuden lukija ja sovelsi oppejaan käytäntöön. Hän uskoi unien välittävän viestejä. Kirkkokunta oli hänelle kuitenkin merkittävä identiteetin rakentaja. Papin vaimon roolin ja yksityisesti kriittisen ajattelijan roolin yhteensovittaminen aiheutti Montogmerylle ongelmia ja väsymystä. Hän kätki uskonnolliset ajatuksensa ja yksinäisyyden aiheuttaman kivun päiväkirjaansa, jonka hän toivoi julkaistavan viimeistään kuolemansa jälkeen. Kaikenlainen kirjoittaminen oli hänelle pakoa todellisuudesta ja auttoi häntä jaksamaan. Otsikon sitatti kuvaa Montgomeryn suhdetta kristinuskoon: hän käytti kristillisiä ilmauksia, mutta muokkasi niiden sisältöä omaa uskoaan vastaavaksi. Taivas ja helvetti kuvasivat usein hänen henkistä olotilaansa sanojen uskonnollisen merkityksen sijasta.

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Entre 1927 y 1946, el Instituto de Filología de la Universidad de Buenos Aires atravesó su época de esplendor, bajo la dirección del español Amado Alonso. En menos de veinte años, Alonso le confirió a su instituto no sólo una fuerte presencia en la cultura argentina, sino además un importante prestigio internacional. El Instituto se había hecho de un lugar reconocido en la cultura argentina; había sabido captar la atención de un nutrido grupo de discípulos; había comenzado a publicar sus propias colecciones de libros; se había puesto en contacto con la vasta gama que ofrecía la industria cultural argentina del período. Este fuerte arraigo en la Argentina le permitió alcanzar un alto puesto en la cultura hispanoamericana de su tiempo. Pero con la llegada del peronismo al poder el Instituto se vio sometido a fuertes presiones que llevaron a su virtual desmantelamiento.

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Entre las lagunas bonaerenses con pesca abundante del pejerrey, la de del Monte, en Guaminí, logró fama por su rendimiento extraordinario en determinados años, para luego decaer casi desapareciendo como fuente pesquera. En 1927 el gobierno provincial denunció el hecho de que "el pejerrey casi no crecía". Por esta causa, en ese año realicé estudios con tendencia a un planeamiento ecológico del problema pesquero y que repetí en 1928 cuando, según los pescadores, las condiciones de pesca eran más favorables. El hecho principal resultante es que, si bien el pejerrey de esa laguna no crecía más de 23 o 24 cm de longitud total, sus escamas exhibían 3 y 4 anillos, lo que indica otros tantos años de edad. Para esa edad, en otras lagunas el pejerrey es mucho más grande.