940 resultados para Near Eastern Languages and Societies
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The detailed geological mapping and structural study of a complete transect across the northwestern Himalaya allow to describe the tectonic evolution of the north Indian continental margin during the Tethys ocean opening and the Himalayan Orogeny. The Late Paleozoic Tethys rifting is associated with several tectonomagmatic events. In Upper Lahul and SE Zanskar, this extensional phase is recorded by Lower Carboniferous synsedimentary transtensional faults, a Lower Permian stratigraphic unconformity, a Lower Permian granitic intrusion and middle Permian basaltic extrusions (Panjal Traps). In eastern Ladakh, a Permian listric normal fault is also related to this phase. The scarcity of synsedimentary faults and the gradual increase of the Permian syn-rift sediment thickness towards the NE suggest a flexural type margin. The collision of India and Asia is characterized by a succession of contrasting orogenic phases. South of the Suture Zone, the initiation of the SW vergent Nyimaling-Tsarap Nappe corresponds to an early phase of continental underthrusting. To the S, in Lahul, an opposite underthrusting within the Indian plate is recorded by the NE vergent Tandi Syncline. This structure is associated with the newly defined Shikar Beh Nappe, now partly eroded, which is responsible for the high grade (amphibolite facies) regional metamorphism of South Lahul. The main thrusting of the Nyimaling-Tsarap Nappe followed the formation of the Shikar Beh Nappe. The Nyimaling-Tsarap Nappe developed by ductile shear of the upper part of the subducted Indian continental margin and is responsible for the progressive regional metamorphism of SE Zanskar, reaching amphibolite facies below the frontal part of the nappe, near Sarchu. In Upper Lahul, the frontal parts of the Nyimaling-Tsarap and Shikar Beh nappes are separated by a zone of low grade metamorphic rocks (pumpellyite-actinolite facies to lower greenschist facies). At high structural level, the Nyimaling-Tsarap Nappe is characterized by imbricate structures, which grade into a large ductile shear zone with depth. The related crustal shortening is about 87 km. The root zone and the frontal part of this nappe have been subsequently affected by two zones of dextral transpression and underthrusting: the Nyimaling Shear Zone and the Sarchu Shear Zone. These shear zones are interpreted as consequences of the counterclockwise rotation of the continental underthrusting direction of India relative to Asia, which occurred some 45 and 36 Ma ago, according to plate tectonic models. Later, a phase of NE vergent `'backfolding'' developed on these two zones of dextral transpression, creating isoclinal folds in SE Zanskar and more open folds in the Nyimaling Dome and in the Indus Molasse sediments. During a late stage of the Himalayan Orogeny, the frontal part of the Nyimaling-Tsarap Nappe underwent an extension of about 15 km. This phase is represented by two types of structures, responsible for the tectonic unroofing of the amphibolite facies rocks of the Sarchu area: the Sarchu high angle Normal Fault, cutting a first set of low angle normal faults, which have been created by reactivation of older thrust planes related to the Nyimaling-Tsarap Nappe.
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The article-based doctoral dissertation deals with adult individuals in Western societies who were born into multilingual and multicultural families and have parents of different nationalities. The study’s participants grew up outside their parents’ countries of origin and relate to a multitude of bonds that link them across various cultures, languages and places. The study explores the social dimension of cultural belonging and examines diverse approaches that enable the participants to create notions of belonging and identification despite possessing at times contradictory transnational allegiances. The works offers new perspectives on transnational belonging and makes a timely contribution to discussions in the fields of cultural heritage studies, ethnology and transnational studies. The dissertation combines qualitative research methods with an insider perspective. The empirical material is based on semi-structured interviews with fifteen participants, among which are also the author’s siblings. The study addresses the relevance of the author’s personal situatedness and her multi-faceted roles as well as ethical concerns related to the methodological approach of insider research. The social dimension of cultural identities affect both the participants’ identification with their multiple attachments and language use in everyday life. The key research findings present interrelated discussions of the participants’ notion of being a mixture, the importance of family bonds and multilingualism, a specific mixed family lifestyle, the notion of non-belonging and the study participants’ sense of otherness as a means of creating communality with others. The study discusses the participants’ various life strategies of flexible relativising, juggling with multiple affiliations, the approach of “blending in” and their sense of ironic nation-ness for constructing a coherent sense of belonging. The author argues that multicultural belonging is inextricably connected to an association with multiple languages, cultures and places. Multicultural belonging is relational and depends on the context, social relationships and locations. The study proposes that multicultural belonging creates a tolerant understanding of membership and enables experiences of cosmopolitanism and selected notions of allegiance.
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This paper provides an analysis of the key term aidagara (“betweenness”) in the philosophical ethics of Watsuji Tetsurō (1889-1960), in response to and in light of the recent movement in Japanese Buddhist studies known as “Critical Buddhism.” The Critical Buddhist call for a turn away from “topical” or intuitionist thinking and towards (properly Buddhist) “critical” thinking, while problematic in its bipolarity, raises the important issue of the place of “reason” versus “intuition” in Japanese Buddhist ethics. In this paper, a comparison of Watsuji’s “ontological quest” with that of Martin Heidegger (1889-1976), Watsuji’s primary Western source and foil, is followed by an evaluation of a corresponding search for an “ontology of social existence” undertaken by Tanabe Hajime (1885-1962). Ultimately, the philosophico-religious writings of Watsuji Tetsurō allow for the “return” of aesthesis as a modality of social being that is truly dimensionalized, and thus falls prey neither to the verticality of topicalism nor the limiting objectivity of criticalism.
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Reform is a word that, one might easily say, characterizes more than any other the history and development of Buddhism. Yet, it must also be said that reform movements in East Asian Buddhism have often taken on another goal—harmony or unification; that is, a desire not only to reconstruct a more worthy form of Buddhism, but to simultaneously bring together all existing forms under a single banner, in theory if not in practice. This paper explores some of the tensions between the desire for reform and the quest for harmony in modern Japanese Buddhism thought, by comparing two developments: the late 19th century movement towards ‘New Buddhism’ (shin Bukkyō) as exemplified by Murakami Senshō 村上専精 (1851–1929), and the late 20th century movement known as ‘Critical Buddhism’ (hihan Bukkyō), as found in the works of Matsumoto Shirō 松本史朗 and Hakamaya Noriaki 袴谷憲昭. In all that has been written about Critical Buddhism, in both Japanese and English, very little attention has been paid to the place of the movement within the larger traditions of Japanese Buddhist reform. Here I reconsider Critical Buddhism in relation to the concerns of the previous, much larger trends towards Buddhist reform that emerged almost exactly 100 years previous—the so-called shin Bukkyō or New Buddhism of the late-Meiji era. Shin Bukkyō is a catch-all term that includes the various writings and activities of Inoue Enryō, Shaku Sōen, and Kiyozawa Manshi, as well as the so-called Daijō-hibussetsuron, a broad term used (often critically) to describe Buddhist writers who suggested that Mahāyāna Buddhism is not, in fact, the Buddhism taught by the ‘historical’ Buddha Śākyamuni. Of these, I will make a few general remarks about Daijō-hibusseturon, before turning attention more specifically to the work of Murakami Senshō, in order to flesh out some of the similarities and differences between his attempt to construct a ‘unified Buddhism’ and the work of his late-20th century avatars, the Critical Buddhists. Though a number of their aims and ideas overlap, I argue that there remain fundamental differences with respect to the ultimate purposes of Buddhist reform. This issue hinges on the implications of key terms such as ‘unity’ and ‘harmony’ as well as the way doctrinal history is categorized and understood, but it also relates to issues of ideology and the use and abuse of Buddhist doctrines in 20th-century politics.
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The decline of traditional religions in Japan in the past century, and especially since the end of World War Two, has led to an explosion of so-called “new religions” (shin shūkyō 新宗教), many of which have made forays into the political realm. The best known—and most controversial—example of a “political” new religion is Sōka Gakkai 創価学会, a lay Buddhist movement originally associated with the Nichiren sect that in the 1960s gave birth to a new political party, Komeitō 公明党 (lit., Clean Government Party), which in the past several decades has emerged as the third most popular party in Japan (as New Komeitō). Since the 1980s, Japan has also seen the emergence of so-called “new, new religions” (shin shin shūkyō 新新宗教), which tend to be more technologically savvy and less socially concerned (and, in the eyes of critics, more akin to “cults” than the earlier new religions). One new, new religion known as Kōfuku-no-Kagaku 幸福の科学 (lit., Institute for Research in Human Happiness or simply Happy Science), founded in 1986 by Ōkawa Ryūho 大川隆法, has very recently developed its own political party, Kōfuku Jitsugentō 幸福実現党 (The Realization of Happiness Party). This article will analyse the political ideals of Kōfuku Jitsugentō in relation to its religious teachings, in an attempt to situate the movement within the broader tradition of religio-political syncretism in Japan. In particular, it will examine the recent “manifesto” of Kōfuku Jitsugentō in relation to those of New Komeitō and “secular” political parties such as the Liberal Democratic Party (Jimintō 自民党) and the Democratic Party (Minshutō 民主党).
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no.36(1945)
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This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: Map of the Sherbrooke, Eastern Townships and Kennebec Railway : with connections, prepared by G.W. & C.B. Colton & Co. It was published in 1874. Scale [ca. 1:1,267,200]. Covers New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and portions of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, New York, Maine, and the province of Quebec, Canada. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the USA Contiguous Albers Equal Area Conic projection (Meters). All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as railroads, railroad connections and stations, drainage, state and county boundaries, and more. Includes inset: [Sherbrooke, Eastern Townships and Kennebec Railway in province of Québec]. Scale [ca. 1:921,600]. This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps of New England from the Harvard Map Collection. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features. The selection represents a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and purposes.
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Russia in 2004 politely rejected the offer to become a participant in the European Neighbourhood Policy, preferring instead to pursue bilateral relations with the EU under the heading of ‘strategic partnership’. Five years later, its officials first reacted with concern to the ENP’s eastern dimension, the Eastern Partnership initiative. Quickly, however, having become convinced that the project would not amount to much, their concern gave way to indifference and derision. Furthermore, Russian representatives have failed to support idealistic or romantic notions of commonality in the area between Russia and the EU, shunned the terminology of ‘common European neighbourhood’ and replaced it in EU-Russian documents with the bland reference to ‘regions adjacent to the EU and Russian borders’. Internally, the term of the ‘near abroad’ was the official designation of the area in the Yeltsin era, and unofficially it is still in use today. As the terminological contortions suggest, Moscow officials consider the EU’s eastern neighbours as part of a Russian sphere of influence and interest. Assurances to the contrary notwithstanding, they look at the EU-Russia relationship as a ‘zero-sum game’ in which the gain of one party is the loss of the other. EU attempts to persuade the Russian power elite to regard cooperation in the common neighbourhood not as a competitive game but providing ‘win-win’ opportunities have been to no avail. In fact, conceptual approaches and practical policies conducted vis-à-vis the three Western CIS countries (Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova) and the southern Caucasus (Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan) confirm that, from Moscow’s perspective, processes of democratisation, liberalisation and integration with Western institutions in that region are contrary to Russian interests. In each and every case, therefore, the area’s ‘frozen conflicts’ have not been regarded by the Kremlin as an opportunity to promote stability and prosperity in the countries concerned but as an instrument to prevent European choices in their domestic and foreign policy. The current ‘reset’ in Russia’s relations with the United States and the ‘modernisation partnership’ with the EU have as yet failed to produce an impact on Russia’s policies in ‘its’ neighbourhood. The EU is nevertheless well advised to maintain its course of attempting to engage that country constructively, including in the common neighbourhood. However, its leverage is small. For any reorientation to occur in Moscow towards perceptions and policies of mutual benefit in the region, much would depend on Russia’s internal development.
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Each no. has also a distinctive title.
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Pollen and starch residue analyses were conducted on 24 sediment samples from archaeological sites on Maloelap and Ebon Atolls in the Marshall Islands, eastern Micronesia, and Henderson and Pitcairn Islands in the Pitcairn Group, Southeast Polynesia. The sampled islands, two of which are mystery islands (Henderson and Pitcairn), previously occupied and abandoned before European contact, comprise three types of Pacific islands: low coral atolls, raised atolls, and volcanic islands. Pollen, starch grains, calcium oxylate crystals, and xylem cells of introduced non-Colocasia Araceae (aroids) were identified in the Marshalls and Henderson (ca. 1,900 yr B.P. and 1,200 yr B.P. at the earliest, respectively). The data provide direct evidence of prehistoric horticulture in those islands and initial fossil pollen sequences from Pitcairn Island. Combined with previous studies, the data also indicate a horticultural system on Henderson comprising both field and tree crops, with seven different cultigens, including at least two species of the Araceae. Starch grains and xylem cells of Ipomoea sp., possibly introduced 1. batatas, were identified in Pitcairn Island deposits dated to the last few centuries before European contact in 1790.
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Despite widespread persecution, Orthodox churches not only survived the Cold War period but levels of religiosity in Orthodox countries remained significant. This book examines the often surprising relations between Orthodox churches and political regimes. It provides a comprehensive overview of the dynamics between Eastern Christianity and politics from the end of the Second World War to the fall of communism, covering 40 Orthodox churches including diasporic churches in Africa, Asia, America and Australia. Based on research from recently-opened archives and publications in a wide range of European languages, it analyses church-state relations on both sides of the Iron Curtain. It discusses the following key themes: the relationship between Orthodox churches and political power; religious resistance to communism; the political control of churches; religion and propaganda; monasticism and theological publications; religious diplomacy within the Orthodox commonwealth; and religious contacts between East and West.