951 resultados para National political


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This work contributes to an understanding of how the existence of multiple ethnic- cultural belongings in the political community concurs with the maintenance of a socially cohesive and politically united community. Considering the immigration reality in Portugal, we tried to identify the bonds that link immigrants to the political community and how those bonds can be mobilized to integrate immigrants in a common living project inside the national territory. Methodologically, this investigation is based in a qualitative and quantitative analysis of the policies and measures applied in Portugal in the immigration sphere, as well as the results of the empirical work we carried out with two immigration groups (Brazilians and Cape Verdeans) living in Lisbon’s metropolitan area, and the answers to a survey we sent to immigrant associations. The results of this research revealed the existence of a certain political ambivalence concerning the immigrant integration process, which expresses itself to a certain degree in the way national citizens and immigrants appraise the immigrant contribution to Portuguese society. The prevailing and blurred idea states that immigration expenses don’t make up for the benefits, and that is likely to influence the mutual relationship established between the two. Despite the existence of objective situations of social and economic disparity and despite a feeling of discrimination shared between immigrants, it is possible to identify a progressive citizenship universalization and the formal acceptance of immigrant religious and cultural traditions, even though the Portuguese parliament does not reflect such diversity. Thus, we perceive the possibility of warranting specific ethnic and cultural minority rights without the ethnicization or culturalization of political representation, and the general standards that serve as a backbone to the national political community might be enough to warrant that protection. Notwithstanding, some signs suggest that immigrant access to public sphere might not be easy, and this might have repercussions in the visibility and in the public discussion of demands, with outcomes on the type of integration policies Portugal applies.

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O presente trabalho é um contributo para entender em que medida a existência de múltiplas pertenças étnico-culturais na comunidade política é conciliável com a manutenção de uma comunidade socialmente coesa e politicamente unitária. Tendo em conta a realidade imigratória em Portugal, procurou-se saber quais os laços que ligam os imigrantes à comunidade política e em que medida eles podem ser mobilizados para a integração dos imigrantes num projecto comum de vivência em território nacional. Metodologicamente, este trabalho tem por base a análise qualitativa e quantitativa das políticas e medidas adoptados em Portugal em matéria de imigração, bem como, os resultados do trabalho empírico por nós realizado junto de dois grupos de imigrantes (brasileiros e cabo-verdianos) residentes na área metropolitana de Lisboa, assim como os resultados de um questionário enviado às associações de imigrantes. Os resultados da pesquisa apontam para a existência de uma certa ambivalência política no processo de integração dos imigrantes, a qual se reflecte de algum modo na forma como os nacionais e os imigrantes valorizam o contributo dos imigrantes para a sociedade portuguesa, sobressaindo uma ideia difusa generalizada de que os custos da imigração não compensam os seus benefícios, o que provavelmente afectará o relacionamento recíproco. Apesar de situações objectivas de desigualdade social e económica e da percepção de discriminação existente entre os imigrantes, é possível identificar uma progressiva universalização da cidadania e a aceitação formal das tradições religiosas e culturais dos imigrantes, mesmo não sendo o parlamento português representativo dessa diversidade. Deste modo, afigura-se ser possível assegurar direitos específicos de protecção das minorias étnicas e culturais sem que seja necessária a etnicização ou a culturalização da representação política e os princípios gerais que estruturam a comunidade política nacional poderão ser suficientes para assegurar essa protecção. No entanto, existem indícios que sugerem que o acesso dos imigrantes à esfera pública poderá não ser fácil, o que se poderá traduzir na visibilidade e na discussão pública das suas reivindicações, com consequências a nível do tipo de políticas de integração adoptadas em Portugal.

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This doctoral thesis examines a recent phenomenon in European higher education, namely the reform of doctoral education. On the basis of a number of case studies, consisting of Swiss and Norwegian doctoral schools, and their institutional, national and international context, it demonstrates to what extent changes appear in doctoral education and its governance. Findings indicate new practices regarding doctoral students' recruitment, curricular component, supervision, scientific exchange, follow-up and their career. Doctoral education's character is not anymore exclusively determined by individual supervisors, but increasingly by interdisciplinary and interinstitutional colleges of academics. Finally, general governance patterns are identified: according to the type of scientific discipline and higher education institution, the institution's size and national political system, the field of higher education is more or less dominated by New Public Management or Network Governance characteristics.

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Tämän tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on selvittää EU:n jäsenyyden ja EU-oikeuden vaikutuksia Suomen arvonlisäverojärjestelmään; mikä on voimassa olevan oikeuden sisältö yhteisötasolla sekä kansallisessa arvonlisäverojärjestelmässä ja millainen on vallitseva arvonlisäverotusta koskeva oikeusjärjestelmä EU kontekstissa. Päätavoitteena on tutkia EU-oikeuden vaikutusta KHO:n laintulkintoihin ja Euroopan unionin tuomioistuimen arvonlisäverotukseen liittyviä tulkintoja sekä sitä, kuinka nämä tulkinnat ovat vaikuttaneet Suomen arvonlisäverojärjestelmän normeihin ja niiden soveltamiseen. Tutkimuksessa aiheen tarkastelu on rajattu sekundäärioikeuden puolelta vaikutusten tutkimiseen arvonlisäveron vähennysoikeuden osalta. Tutkimuksen pääteemoina ovat vähennysoikeuden syntyminen ja laajuus, vähennysoikeuden suhdeluku ja vähennysoikeuden rajoitukset. Tavoitteena on oikeusdogmaattisesti tulkita ja systematisoida arvonlisäverojärjestelmän soveltamisalaan liittyvää oikeusjärjestystä vähennysoikeuden osalta ja tavoitella ristiriidattomuutta unionin järjestelmän ja Suomen arvonlisäverojärjestelmän välillä. Tutkimuksessa selvisi, että EU:lla on ollut vaikutusta sekä varsinaiseen verotukseen että veropoli-tiikan muotoutumiseen. Arvonlisäverotuksen eurooppalaistuminen on näyttäytynyt jatkuvana oikeuslähdepohjan muutoksena ja sen vaikuttamisena etenkin oikeuden soveltamiseen. Yhteisessä arvonlisäverojärjestelmässä vallankäyttö on siirtynyt osittain pois kansallisista poliittisista ja oikeudellisista rakenteista EU-tason rakenteisiin. Tutkimuksen perusteella voidaan todeta, että yhteinen arvonlisäverojärjestelmä ja EUT:n oikeuskäytäntö on vähinten vaikuttanut Suomessa vähennysoikeuden rajoituskysymyksiin. Sitä vastoin suhdelukua koskevaan käytäntöön EUT:lla on ollut vaikutusta. Näkyvimmin EU:n tuomioistuimen oikeuskäytännön mukanaan tuoma vaikutus liittyy arvonlisäveron vähennysoikeuden syntymiseen ja laajuuteen.

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This paper is a tribute to one of the greatest Brazilian intellectuals of the XXth century, Ignácio Rangel, at the Centenary of his birth. The two analytical pillars of his thought are discussed, namely the thesis of the long term "basic duality" of the Brazilian economy and of the national political structure, and the idea that economic planning should always involve the identification and use of idle resources. It is argued that his ideas on history and his defense of planning integrate a wider development theory, which combines structural change (industrialization, agrarian modernization, the strengthening of the financial capital, etc.) and a macro-dynamic approach on idle capacity and economic cycles. By way if conclusion the ideas are evaluated from a XXIst century perspective.

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Introduction : La vaccination est l’une des interventions de santé publique les plus efficaces et les plus efficientes. Comme dans la plupart des pays de la région Ouest africaine, le programme national de vaccination a bénéficié du soutien de nombreuses initiatives internationales et nationales dans le but d’accroître la couverture vaccinale. La politique vaccinale du Burkina Faso s’est appuyée sur différentes stratégies à savoir: la vaccination-prospection, la «vaccination commando», le Programme élargi de vaccination (PEV) et les Journées nationales de vaccination. La couverture vaccinale complète des enfants de 12 à 23 mois a certes augmenté, mais elle est restée en deçà des attentes passant de 34,7% en 1993, à 29,3% en 1998 et 43,9% en 2003. Objectif : Le but de cette thèse est d’analyser à plusieurs périodes et à différents niveaux, les facteurs associés à la vaccination complète des enfants de 12 à 23 mois en milieu rural au Burkina Faso. Méthodes : Nous avons utilisé plusieurs stratégies de recherche et quatre sources de données : - les enquêtes démographiques et de santé (EDS) de 1998-1999 et de 2003 - les annuaires statistiques de 1997 et de 2002 - des entretiens individuels auprès de décideurs centraux, régionaux et d’acteurs de terrain, œuvrant pour le système de santé du Burkina Faso - des groupes de discussion et des entretiens individuels auprès de populations desservies par des centres de santé et de promotion sociale (niveau le plus périphérique du système de santé) et du personnel local de santé. Des approches quantitatives (multiniveau) et qualitatives ont permis de répondre à plusieurs questions, les principaux résultats sont présentés sous forme de trois articles. Résultats : Article 1: « Les facteurs individuels et du milieu de vie associés à la vaccination complète des enfants en milieu rural au Burkina Faso : une approche multiniveau ». En 1998, bien que la propension à la vaccination s’accroisse significativement avec le niveau de vie des ménages et l’utilisation des services de santé, ces 2 variables n’expliquent pas totalement les différences de vaccination observées entre les districts. Plus de 37 % de la variation de la vaccination complète est attribuable aux différences entre les districts sanitaires. A ce niveau, si les ressources du district semblent jouer un rôle mineur, un accroissement de 1 % de la proportion de femmes éduquées dans le district accroît de 1,14 fois les chances de vaccination complète des enfants. Article 2: « Rates of coverage and determinants of complete vaccination of children in rural areas of Burkina Faso (1998 - 2003) ». Entre 1998 et 2003, la couverture vaccinale complète a augmenté en milieu rural, passant de 25,90% à 41,20%. Alors que les ressources du district n’ont présenté aucun effet significatif et que celui de l’éducation s’est atténué avec le temps, le niveau de vie et l’expérience d’utilisation des services de santé par contre, restent les facteurs explicatifs les plus stables de la vaccination complète des enfants. Mais, ils n’expliquent pas totalement les différences de vaccination complète qui persistent entre les districts. Malgré une tendance à l’homogénéisation des districts, 7.4% de variation de la vaccination complète en 2003 est attribuable aux différences entre les districts sanitaires. Article 3: « Cultures locales de vaccination : le rôle central des agents de santé. Une étude qualitative en milieu rural du Burkina Faso ». L’exploration des cultures locales de vaccination montre que les maladies cibles du PEV sont bien connues de la population et sont classées parmi les maladies du «blanc», devant être traitées au centre de santé. Les populations recourent à la prévention traditionnelle, mais elles attribuent la régression de la fréquence et de la gravité des épidémies de rougeole, coqueluche et poliomyélite à la vaccination. La fièvre et la diarrhée post vaccinales peuvent être vues comme un succès ou une contre-indication de la vaccination selon les orientations de la culture locale de vaccination. Les deux centres de santé à l’étude appliquent les mêmes stratégies et font face aux mêmes barrières à l’accessibilité. Dans une des aires de santé, l’organisation de la vaccination est la meilleure, le comité de gestion y est impliqué et l’agent de santé est plus disponible, accueille mieux les mères et est soucieux de s’intégrer à la communauté. On y note une meilleure mobilisation sociale. Le comportement de l’agent de santé est un déterminant majeur de la culture locale de vaccination qui à son tour, influence la performance du programme de vaccination. Tant dans la sphère professionnelle que personnelle il doit créer un climat de confiance avec la population qui acceptera de faire vacciner ses enfants, pour autant que le service soit disponible. Résultats complémentaires : le PEV du Burkina est bien structuré et bien supporté tant par un engagement politique national que par la communauté internationale. En plus de la persistance des inégalités de couverture vaccinale, la pérennité du programme reste un souci de tous les acteurs. Conclusion : Au delà des conclusions propres à chaque article, ce travail a permis d’identifier plusieurs facteurs critiques qui permettraient d’améliorer le fonctionnement et la performance du PEV du Burkina Faso et également de pays comparables. Le PEV dispose de ressources adéquates, ses dimensions techniques et programmatiques sont bien maîtrisées et les différentes initiatives internationales soutenues par les bailleurs de fonds lui ont apporté un support effectif. Le facteur humain est crucial : lors du recrutement du personnel de santé, une attention particulière devrait être accordée à l’adoption d’attitudes d’ouverture et d’empathie vis-à-vis de la population. Ce personnel devrait être en nombre suffisant au niveau périphérique et surtout sa présence et sa disponibilité devraient être effectives. Les liens avec la population sont à renforcer par une plus grande implication du comité de gestion dans l’organisation de la vaccination et en définissant plus clairement le rôle des agents de santé villageois. Ces différents points devraient constituer des objectifs du PEV et à ce titre faire l’objet d’un suivi et d’une évaluation adéquats. Finalement, bien que la gratuité officielle de la vaccination ait réduit les barrières financières, certaines entraves demeurent et elles devraient être levées pour améliorer l’accès aux services de vaccination.

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L'une des critiques fondamentales adressées au mécanisme de contrôle et de surveillance de la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme en matière électorale tient au risque qu'il portera atteinte à la souveraineté de l'État. En effet, certains auteurs estiment que l'autonomie constitutionnelle de l'État dans le domaine électoral, jusqu'à tout récemment strictement protégée, s'affaiblit sous l'influence de la protection des droits de l'homme dans le système européen. Le présent mémoire a pour but de déterminer les conditions imposées aux autorités étatiques par la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme en vue d'assurer l'exercice efficace du droit à des élections libres. Ensuite, il analysera les effets de ces conditions sur la souveraineté des États parties à la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme. Notre étude s'intéresse, dans un premier temps, à l'examen du principe de la souveraineté de l'État et de son évolution progressive sous l'influence des droits de l'homme. Dans un deuxième temps, elle présentera le droit à des élections libres et ses manifestations théoriques et jurisprudentielles. L'étude des affaires tranchées par la Cour européenne permettra de remarquer que la déférence qui est accordée à la souveraineté des États s'accompagne d'une certaine limitation de la marge d'appréciation des autorités étatiques en cas de privation de l'exercice efficace du droit à des élections libres. Ensuite, les acquis théoriques et conceptuels seront appliqués à l'étude des restrictions électorales relevant des mesures législatives, administratives et judiciaires des États ainsi que des conditions imposées par la Cour européenne. À cet égard, l'analyse de ces conditions nous permettra de saisir l'étendue de la limitation de la liberté d'action des États en matière électorale. Cette recension analytique nous permettra de conclure que le mécanisme de contrôle de la Cour européenne entraîne de multiples effets limitatifs sur la souveraineté des États.

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Ce mémoire a été réalisé dans le cadre d'un séjour de recherche à l'Université d'État des Sciences Humaines de Russie (RGGU), Moscou.

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The design, reformulation, and final signing of Plan Colombia by the then US President, Bill Clinton, on the 13 July 2000 initiated in a new era of the US State´s involvement in supposedly sovereign-territorial issues of Colombian politics. The implementation of Plan Colombia there-on-after brought about a major realignment of political-military scales and terrains of conflict that have renewed discourses concerning the contemporary imperialist interests of key US-based but transnationally-projected social forces, leading to arguments that stress the invigorated geo-political dimension of present-day strategies of capitalist accumulation. With the election of Álvaro Uribe Vélez as Colombian President in May 2002 and his pledge to strengthen the national military campaign aganist the region´s longest-surviving insurgency guerrilla group, Las FARC-EP, as well as other guerrilla factions, combined with a new focus on establishing the State project of “Democratic Security”; the military realm of governance and attempts to ensure property security and expanding capitalist investment have attained precedence in Colombia´s national political domains. This working paper examines the interrelated nature of Plan Colombia -as a binational and indeed regional security strategy- and Uribe´s Democratic Security project as a means of showing the manner in which they have worked to pave the way for the implementation of a new “total market” regime of accumulation, based on large-scale agro-industrial investment which is accelerated through processes of accumulation via dispossession. As such, the political and social reconfigurations involved manifest the multifarious scales of governance that become intertwined in incorporating neoliberalism in specific regions of the world economy. Furthermore, the militarisation-securitisation of such policies also illustrate the explicit contradictions of neoliberalism in a peripheral context, where coercion seems to prevail, something which leads to a profound questioning of the extent to which neoliberalism can be thought of as a hegemonic politico-economic project.

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Este documento explora las dinámicas de cambio y continuidad de los autoritarismos subnacionales (específicamente en las provincias) en los regímenes democráticos nacionales. Tomando contribuciones de teorías propias de la política territorial provee un marco para el análisis del contexto estratégico en el que élites autoritarias en el poder y sus oponentes locales y nacionales adelantan estrategias de control territorial y de oposición. El autoritarismo subnacional no debe ser entendido como un asunto local, sino como un resultado de dinámicas más amplias de gobernanza territorial nacional en regímenes democráticos. Los conflictos entre los autoritarismos y la oposición ocurren a través de múltiples ámbitos territoriales dentro del sistema político nacional. En regímenes democráticos nacionales las élites autoritarias adelantarán tres tipos de estrategias: la parroquialización del poder, la nacionalización de su influencia, y la monopolización de los vínculos institucionales entre lo nacional y lo subnacional. La democratización subnacional, cuando ocurra, resultará entonces de la intervención por parte de actores en espacios políticas nacionales. Para este fin se han hecho dos distinciones entre las “modalidades” de cambio político subnacional: las transiciones “lideradas por partidos políticos” y las transiciones “lideradas por el centro”.-----This document examines the dynamics established between change and continuity under sub-national authoritarianisms (more specifically in provinces) in national democratic regimes. Contributions taken from local theories on territorial politics constitute the framework for our analysis of the strategic context in the midst of which authoritarian elites in power, and their local and national opponents, put forward their territorial control and opposition strategies. Still, sub-national authoritarianism must not be considered a mere local issue, but rather the final result of wider national territorial governing dynamics within democratic regimes. That is, conflicts arising between different authoritarianisms and the opposition take place in myriad territorial arenas within an established national political system. In national democratic regimes, authoritarian elites will attempt three different types of strategies: establishing a parochial-style mode of exerting power, extending its influence nationwide, and monopolizing the extant institutional links between the national and sub-national spheres. Thus, the democratization of the sub-national realm, if and when it happens, will only take place via the intervention of actors and agents from national political arenas. In order to better understand this phenomenon, two main distinctions are made between two types or modes of sub-national political change: those transitions “led by political parties” and those “led by the center”.

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A tendência de ampliação do papel dos Tribunais de Contas no cenário político nacional através dos mecanismos de controle que lhes foram atribuídos pela Constituição Federal de 1988, antes limitada a uma simples verificação da legalidade dos atos dos gestores públicos, sua área de atuação, foi acrescida da capacidade de auditar a qualidade da gestão pública, visando, principalmente a economicidade, eficiência, eficácia e efetividade das políticas implementadas. Neste cenário, a auditoria operacional surge como uma ferramenta importante para que estes órgãos de controle possam exercer a missão de fiscalização dos gestores da res pública, de forma a garantir que estes conduzam a máquina pública sempre utilizando a política pública mais eficiente para a obtenção de resultados que sejam positivos para a sociedade. O objetivo deste trabalho é verificar como os Tribunais de Contas brasileiros estão lidando com a tarefa de fiscalizar as questões relativas à Auditoria Operacional, respondendo a duas perguntas básicas: a) Se as auditorias operacionais realizadas pelas entidades fiscalizadoras têm, efetivamente, contribuído para o alcance dos objetivos das políticas públicas, e; b) Se as técnicas até aqui utilizadas na execução das auditorias operacionais são adequadas para a avaliação dessas políticas. Em relação à primeira questão, concluímos que, da forma com que as auditorias operacionais estão sendo realizadas no Brasil, ainda há uma distância razoável a ser percorrida antes que se possa dizer que sim, devido, principalmente, a falta de uma determinação no sentido de responsabilizar nominalmente os responsáveis pela condução das recomendações expedidas pelos Tribunais de Contas, quando da publicação do acórdão que se origina dos trabalhos de auditoria. Quanto ao segundo questionamento, acreditamos que a realização de auditorias de natureza operacional engloba uma série de fatores que vão desde a dificuldade de se obter dos jurisdicionados indicadores que indiquem claramente quais os objetivos que se procurou atingir com determinada política, até a necessidade dos próprios tribunais de contas de instituírem quadros de pessoal específicos, voltados para esta tarefa.

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Investigar como as controladorias gerais municipais vêm se estruturando dentro do sistema político subnacional e identificar as similaridades e diferenças entre tais organizações são os principais objetivos deste trabalho. Tais atividades tornam-se relevantes a partir da constatação de que, apesar de ser cada vez mais frequente a alteração do nome e da estrutura do órgão central dos sistemas de controle interno subnacionais para controladorias gerais, não há uma regulamentação específica que predetermine os padrões institucionais, as funcionalidades organizacionais ou os escopos de atuação desses órgãos públicos. Cumpriu-se essa tarefa por meio das seguintes ações: (i) realização de pesquisa bibliográfica a partir da produção acadêmica dos cursos de pós-graduação em Administração Pública e Contabilidade (com ênfase no estudo de controladorias) no último triênio da CAPES (2010-2012); (ii) catalogação e análise dos instrumentos legais de institucionalização dos órgãos de controle interno nas capitais brasileiras; (iii) execução de análise organizacional comparada nas estruturas das controladorias-gerais encontradas. As pesquisas feitas constataram que a produção acadêmica da área de Administração Pública sobre o tema ainda é incipiente; que uma maior integração do campo técnico com diferentes campos acadêmicos (Administração Pública, Contabilidade, Ciência Política, Direito e Sociologia) se faz necessária; que, para além do processo de disseminação da esfera federal para local, há diversas bases estruturantes que influenciam o padrão adotado pelas controladorias públicas municipais; e que, enfim, não se pode falar em consolidação de um único formato institucional de controladoria mas, sim, de práticas constituídas conforme as diferentes conjunturas locais.

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This study deals with the rural social security Universalist established by the Constitution of 1988 and its importance in the economy of the municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte. In this context, the study seeks to satisfy two important criteria that guide the selection of objects of social science research: a consideration of issues that have relevance to the real world and the intention to make the contribution to the scholarly literature on theoretical and empirical aspects. The research seeks to reveal what is the economic importance of the subsystem of social security for rural municipalities in RN. The hypothesis is that the transfer of income received by beneficiaries from the rural social security tax exceeds the explicit mechanisms for most municipalities in RN, in many cases significantly, proving the importance of this policy as a mechanism for combating poverty and reducing social inequality, especially before the fragility of the federal system on the national political entity hall. The study presents theoretical cores - chapters 1-3 - and empirical - Chapter 4. The first core is about the evolution of social protection as a state policy, addressing the influential theories and typologies of the State of Social Welfare and the characteristics of the Brazilian social security model, but mainly, its rural social security subsystem, its history until universalistic model inaugurated by the Federal Constitution of 1988. The second begins with an overview of studies that have emphasized the impact of Social Security on the local economy of small municipalities, then passing data and statistics in order to gauge the socioeconomic importance of pension income in the rural municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte. To this end, the final chapter provides a comparison of the monetary value transferred by the payment of social security benefits - rural and urban - to each of the 167 municipalities in RN with the equally important sources of income in the budget of municipal entities. Apart from their own tax revenues, are objects of comparison with the value of pension benefits awarded in RN, transfer quota state relating to the municipality on the federal ICMS and the transfer on the FPM

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This work started from an investigation concerning the process of education, moralization and disciplining of the poor in the backlands of the Brazilian Northeast region, in the second half of the 19th century, through the incorporation of the values of productive work. In order to do so, we took as our field of investigation the missions of Father José Antônio Pereira Ibiapina (1806-1883), in which an extensive work was developed, including the construction of twenty two (22) charity houses in the States of Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Ceará e Piauí, but also of weirs, churches, graveyards, hospitals and so forth. Given the socio-historical character of the research, we adopted qualitative methods of analysis and the following procedures: survey and analysis of documents, statute and internal rules that ordered the workings of the charity houses; biographies on Father Ibiapina and the missions‟ reports, as well as various sorts of publications on the missionary. Our study comprises his 27 year-period of missionary-religious activity (1856-1883), and undertakes an analysis on the topic of poverty, since the medieval Christian take on it until modernity, when it stops representing a value and becomes a problem to be solved through work. The socio-political context in which Ibiapina lived in the Northeast was marked by the consequence of droughts and economic crises in the region. The analysis of the documents indicates that, in the circumstances of political weakness and lack of interest for regional demands by the national political agenda, his missionary actions produced strong effects. Starting from an ethics of valorization of work, which combined modern and traditional elements, his actions set up disciplinary, moralizing and civil educational practices of the poor, founding, simultaneously, a pragmatic religious experience directed at the resolution of the problems caused by poverty. In that sense, we observe that such actions are connected to the broader process of moralization and education of the poor, but the analysis also suggests that their inscription into the social order articulated both forward as well as conservative aspects of the established system

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The aim of this study is to assess the contribution of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) to the field of human resources for health in Brazil. The assumption is that this organization not only influenced the development of this field, but but that it was also influenced by Brazilian institutions and by national political movements, through the interaction of its consultants with these movements. Four projects were selected, through which the contribution of PAHO was evaluated: the Program for the Strategic Preparation of Health Personnel (PPREPS), the Project for the Large Scale Formation of Middle and Low Level Personnel (Large Scale Project), the Project for Qualification in the Development of Human Resources in Health (CADRHU) and the Project for the Managerial Development of Basic Units of the National Health System (GERUS). To operacionalize the study, we used three basic complementary procedures: a bibliographic research, documental research and an interview. The time frame considered was from 1975, the year an agreement was signed between PAHO, the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Education and Culture, establishing PPREPS. It was through this program that the first PAHO team of national human resource consultants was contracted. The period between 1975 and 1999 was marked by political and social movements that changed the course of health in the country; among these was the Movement of Sanitary Reform in Brazil, which culminated in the implementation of the National Health System (SUS). This paper shows the connections of the PAHO consultants with this movement and the implications that this had for the Program of Cooperation in the Development of Human Resources of PAHO/Brazil. It also demonstrates that as the program became contaminated by national movements of health system reorganization and of democratization of Brazilian society, it proposed, in cooperation with national institutions, an organization of determinate areas of operation of these same institutions. The manuscript further reveals that, with the Large Scale Project, the human resources program determined the pedagogical and methodological option that would be the model for various other educational projects undertaken by a number of Brazilian institutions with the technical cooperation of PAHO. And finally, the repercussions and contributions of these projects, which strengthened the the field of human resources in the public health services of the country, are identified. Data analysis was based mainly on the theories of Bourdieu, Gramsci and Freire