949 resultados para National Socialism - religious aspects


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This poster explores the impact of growing up in different socio-political environments in the border areas of the Republic of Ireland (RoI) and Northern Ireland (NI) on adolescents’ evaluations of their religious and national identities. The vast majority of the population of the Republic of Ireland are Catholic and Irish whereas in Northern Ireland, the majority are Protestant and British. 713 adolescents (NI= 415; RoI=298), who categorised their religious identity as Catholic and their nationality as Irish completed the Collective Self – Esteem (CSE) scale (Crocker & Luhtanen, 1990) with reference to either their religious (N=350) or national identity (n=363). The overall rating of CSE for the Irish identity was significantly higher than the rating of CSE for the Catholic Identity. This result was modified by a significant interaction - adolescents in the Republic of Ireland rated the CSE of their Irish nationality higher than those in Northern Ireland (20.99 vs. 19.95), whereas adolescents in Northern Ireland rated the CSE of their Catholic religious identity higher than their peers in the Republic of Ireland (19.97 vs 18.87). Further analysis of the CSE subscales revealed differing patterns of relationships according to the scale. The evaluation of the Public Collective Self-Esteem of national and religious identities were significantly higher in the Republic of Ireland than in Northern Ireland, however Private Collective Self-esteem did not differ according to jurisdiction. These findings are discussed in relation to the social context and current theoretical accounts of collective identification processes.

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In recent years there has been a renaissance of studies into the diverse relationships between National Socialism and esoteric or occult religious trends, which appears to form a remarkable return to the work of George L Mosse. Yet within these debates there has been surprisingly little space devoted to the question of what specifically ‘counted’ as religion in the early Nazi milieu. This article seeks to address this problem through a detailed study of the views on religion in one of the major antisemitic groups in the 1920s, the German Socialist Party, which had a number of significant connections to the NSDAP. The German Socialist debates on religion have remained largely unexamined, and this article analyses the group’s response to the Nazis’ 25 Point Programme, the German Socialists’ own debates about religion, and their views on the most important völkisch authors who were seeking a ‘religious revival’. It demonstrates that views on religion in the early Nazi milieu were extremely diverse, but commonly adhered to notions of race and a racial spirituality that amounted to a kind of ‘ethnotheism’. It argues that concepts of religion in völkisch groups at the time, including the NSDAP, have to be principally understood as part of a particular and extreme ‘racist culture’.

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The memoirs were written in 1982 in Sydney, Australia and include excerpts of letters from various relatives during the years 1938-1941. Early childhood recollections of World War One. The family was living in the 6th district of Vienna. Description of domestic life with maids, laundresses and a French governess. Death of her mother in 1918. Trip with her stepmother Ida Plohn to Prague. Recollections of a stay in the countryside at their maid's family, where Selma and her older sister Martha awaited the birth of their younger sister Trude. Memories of Christmas celebrations. Summer vacations in the mountains. Description of the extended family. Inflation and economic depression in the 1920s. Strict upbringing by her stepmother. Children recreation trip to Grado, Italy in 1925. Selma was accepted at the "Bundeserziehungsanstalt" for gifted students. Only few fellow Jewish students. Religious education with beloved rabbi Diamant. Recovery from tonsilitis in a senatorium in Aflenz, Austria. Celebration of Jewish holidays and visits at the Synagogue on Yom Kippur. Transfer to Realschule. Due to a sudden onset of various illnesses Selma was unable to continue school and had put an end to her father's dream of an university education for her. Difficult to find a position in the depression times of the early 1930s. Only few working options for a Jewish woman. Position as a secretary in a Jewish firm. Outings in the Vienna Woods. Membership in the Zionist group Betar.

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The Idea of Community in the Jewish National Thinking and in the Proclamation of Independence The aim of this study is to clarify the idea of community in the Jewish national thinking and in the Proclamation of Independence of the State of Israel in 1948. The method is the community analysis. The values of the culture are studied by two- and threefold dimensions on the arena. On the field of that arena one can find the society of order, the society of pressure, the societies made by mosaics and the societies that are breaking apart. The community way of behaving means, that the individuals voluntarily follow common values. The earliest Jewish ideals elevated the concept of unity among the people. The reality in the society was different especially in Roman times when the religious and national thinking was fragmented into four different main views. During the Diaspora the religious tradition mostly warned against pursuing a Jewish state, but many forms of Anti-Judaism and the new national thinking in the nineteenth century created the Zionist movement. The religious Jewish people did not rely on the earthy nationalism and when some of them later chose Zionism, they stressed the religious aspects in governing the state. The cultural Zionists preferred a slower and more low key spiritual way of change. The Revisionists saw no alternatives but to use military force. Many in the majority, the Labour movement, hoped that the progress brought to the region by Zionism would change the minds of opponents. The general appearance of the proclamation is optimistic. It characterizes national and political unity gathering people who think differently and who come from different factions of the Jewish political and cultural orientation. These people can be placed on different corners in the community analysis. The proclamation concentrates on state and administrative points of view. It aims at a state for the Jews, and the Jewishness of the state is more clearly seen in later legislation. The hope for co-operation from all sides was clearly articulated. The central aim was the security of the Jews. The proclamation has a community quotation because it aimed to build up a net of cooperation. The vision of building a nation of their own is balanced by the collaboration with the Arabs and the international community. In the same roclamation the individual civil rights are side by side with the Prophets thoughts about peace and justice. The Proclamation describes a society of a good order which aims at uniting the people. In the midst of grave difficulties a noble proclamation of national and international co-operation was created. It was not taken for granted that the ideals would be realized. The care of the national homeland could become egocentric nationalism and the attention to the Prophets heritage could turn to emphasizing strict religious rules or to isolation from others. The emphasis of civil rights could turn to assimilation or in other words to other kinds of values in their own country.

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O Nacional-socialismo representou, ao negar os princípios centrais da modernidade ocidental, a idéia de uma outra modernidade baseada, ao mesmo tempo, no resgate e na projeção futura das antigas glórias da nação germânica. Neste sentido, o filme O Triunfo da Vontade da cineasta alemã Leni Riefenstahl aparece como a grande representação estética do nazismo, traduzindo em imagens os principais aspectos da ideologia nacional-socialista. Ao trabalhar com extrema genialidade todo um conjunto de referências simbólicas e míticas presentes no imaginário alemão, Riefenstahl construiu, portanto, uma das mais impactantes peças de divulgação do regime hitlerista, apresentando ao mundo os ideais do Terceiro Reich e a força da nova Alemanha.

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Discussion of the spiritual face of Judaism in one of its many appearances. Fishbane explores the quest for spiritual perfection in early rabbinic sources and in Jewish philosophy and mysticism. The "kiss of God," a symbol for union with God, and the ritual practices - meditation and performance - connected with it are presented.

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Discussion of the spiritual face of Judaism in one of its many appearances. Fishbane explores the quest for spiritual perfection in early rabbinic sources and in Jewish philosophy and mysticism. The "kiss of God," a symbol for union with God, and the ritual practices - meditation and performance - connected with it are presented.

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Discussion of the spiritual face of Judaism in one of its many appearances. Fishbane explores the quest for spiritual perfection in early rabbinic sources and in Jewish philosophy and mysticism. The "kiss of God," a symbol for union with God, and the ritual practices - meditation and performance - connected with it are presented.

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This research is an exploration of the place of religious beliefs and practices in the life of contemporary, predominantly Catholic, Filipinas in a large Quezon City Barangay in Metro Manila. I use an iterative discussion of the present in the light of historical studies, which point to women in pre-Spanish ‘Filipino’ society having been the custodians of a rich religious heritage and the central performers in a great variety of ritual activities. I contend that although the widespread Catholic evangelisation, which accompanied colonisation, privileged male religious leadership, Filipinos have retained their belief in feminine personages being primary conduits of access to spiritual agency through which the course of life is directed. In continuity with pre-Hispanic practices, religious activities continue to be conceived in popular consciousness as predominantly women’s sphere of work in the Philippines. I argue that the reason for this is that power is not conceived as a unitary, undifferentiated entity. There are gendered avenues to prestige and power in the Philippines, one of which directly concerns religious leadership and authority. The legitimacy of religious leadership in the Philippines is heavily dependent on the ability to foster and maintain harmonious social relations. At the local level, this leadership role is largely vested in mature influential women, who are the primary arbiters of social values in their local communities. I hold that Filipinos have appropriated symbols of Catholicism in ways that allow for a continuation and strengthening of their basic indigenous beliefs so that Filipinos’ religious beliefs and practices are not dichotomous, as has sometimes been argued. Rather, I illustrate from my research that present day urban Filipinos engage in a blend of formal and informal religious practices and that in the rituals associated with both of these forms of religious practice, women exercise important and influential roles. From the position of a feminist perspective I draw on individual women’s articulation of their life stories, combined with my observation and participation in the religious practices of Catholic women from different ethnic and socio-economic backgrounds, to discuss the role of Filipinas in local level community religious leadership. I make interconnections between women’s influence in this sphere, their positioning in family social relations, their role in the celebration of All Saints and All Souls Days in Metro Manila’s cemeteries and the ubiquity and importance of Marian devotions. I accompany these discussions with an extensive body of pictorial plates.

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 Returning to the Journal of Contemporary History debate on The Holy Reich, this article argues that the notion of 'positive Christianity' as  Nazi 'religious system' has been largely invented. It offers a close analysis of significant public statements on National socialism by three leading Nazis: Adolf Hitler, Gottfried Feder and Alfred Rosenberg.

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Abstract: Waleed Aly is arguably the most visible and vocal Australian public intellectual from a non-Anglo-Australian background. The ubiquitous Aly is a veritable Renaissance man - he is a television presenter, radio host, academic and rock musician. He is also a former lawyer, and served on the executive committee of the Islamic Council of Victoria. In short, he is the 'go-to' Muslim for commentary on a wide range of political and civic affairs. This article argues that Aly's media profile and celebrity status have as much to do with an Australian cultural imaginary that posits 'whiteness' as an uncontestable normative value as it does with Aly's undoubted skills as a journalist, academic and cultural commentator. It examines Aly's career with reference to Ghassan Hage's concept of 'whiteness' as a form of aspirational cultural capital and various theories of persona and performativity. For Hage, 'whiteness' is not a literal skin colour; rather, it consists of elements that can be adopted by individuals and groups (such as nationally valued looks, accents, tastes, cultural preferences and modes of behaviour). While entry to what Hage calls Australia's 'national aristocracy' is generally predicated on possessing the correct skin tone, it is theoretically possible for dark-skinned people such as Waleed Aly to enter the field of national belonging and partake in public discourse about a range of topical issues. More specifically, the article substantiates its claims about Aly's status as a member of Australia's cultural aristocracy through a comparative discourse and performance analysis of his presentation of 'self' in four distinctive media contexts: Channel 10's The Project, the ABC RN Drive program, ABC TV's Q&A and the SBS comedy-talk show Salaam Caf , which looked at the 'funny side of life as an Australian Muslim' and showcased other multi-talented Muslim professionals of both genders.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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O objetivo central desta tese é investigar o potencial de transformação social da organização não-governamental, ligada a CNBB(Confederação Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil).- Pastoral da Criança - para a libertação de mulheres que lá atuam, das relações de dominação e opressões inerentes ao contexto kyriarchal. Esta pesquisa procura considerar o espaço religioso subjacente à organização em decorrência das influências das CEBs (Comunidades Eclesiais de Base) e do MRCC (Movimento de Renovação Católica Carismática). É feita pesquisa de campo na região de Curitiba com observações e entrevistas semi-estruturadas com doze mulheres atuando na Pastoral da Criança, valorizando-se a relação intersubjetiva entre pesquisadora e pessoas envolvidas na pesquisa. A análise qualitativa de dados em relação ao marco teórico feminista desenvolvido em Ciências Sociais pela sociologia, psicanálise e também a teologia, mostra o discurso das representações sociais das mulheres envolvidas, a percepção de suas próprias identidades e a importância da organização na construção de suas vidas. Nos traz a conclusão que a organização reproduz o perfil tradicional de mulheres na função materna e facilita a formação de redes comunitárias. Averigua-se que a Pastoral da Criança está vinculada ao sistema neoliberal de pensamento que reproduz os discursos de dominação do sistema kyriarchal da hierarquia da Igreja Católica e da medicina higienista. Essas instituições de apropriam da vida e dos corpos das mulheres e os reduzem às suas funções meramente biológicas, reprodutivas e de cuidados. A Pastoral da Criança é caracterizada por atividades que não consideram as causas estruturais da pobreza, mas apenas tentam amenizar os seus efeitos e conseqüências. Em suas capacitações, a organização usa a forma bancária de educação que reproduz as relações de dominação e dependência de mulheres pobres. A organização, mesmo com a estrutura da ideologia religiosa analisada, não está vinculada sistematicamente em um espaço religioso. Sugere-se em relação à situação da organização, a abertura das idéias e valores feministas nos campos da saúde e religião a fim de promover a libertação e empoderamento reais de mulheres pobres. Esta recomendação está ligada com a abertura, a necessidade de reflexão e de conhecimento, mostradas pelas mulheres entrevistadas durante a pesquisa de campo. Considera-se como limitação aos resultados da pesquisa, o local pesquisado por não ter influências de movimentos sociais.(AU)