O partido da social democracia brasileira: trajetoria e ideologia

O Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) surgiu em 1987, como uma opção de centro-esquerda, e, de acordo com seus fundadores a agremiação nasceu alinhada com a ideologia social-democrata. Contudo, desde sua origem o partido apresenta duas diferenças fundamentais em relação aos partidos social-democratas europeus: não tem vínculos com movimentos trabalhistas e defende o liberalismo de mercado. No decorrer de sua história, o partido muda da centro-esquerda para a centro-direita demonstrando mais claramente sua verdadeira inclinação ideológica, fato que pode ser observado no posicionamento de sua bancada, no auto-posicionamento e nas políticas que foram implementadas nos anos em que esteve à frente do executivo federal. A análise dos documentos do PSDB nos revela que a mudança do partido não foi de algo pragmático, na verdade o partido já apresentava simpatia às políticas pró-mercado em seus manifestos desde sua fundação.

O acesso ao tratamento da Doença de Fabry no Sistema Único de Saúde e os pressupostos da Bioética Principialista

O acesso ao tratamento da Doença de Fabry (DF) no sistema público de saúde nacional. Trata-se de uma pesquisa exploratória de corte transversal, centrada em elementos qualitativos, realizada com os profissionais e os pacientes portadores da DF, no Ambulatório de Genética Clínica do Hospital Universitário Gaffrée e Guinle - HUGG. Utilizou-se como coleta de dados a entrevista aberta e semiestruturada. Seu objetivo maior é identificar os aspectos bioéticos envolvidos no acesso ao tratamento da DF no SUS, e para tal buscamos tornar manifestos os argumentos morais dos profissionais do ambulatório, acerca da existência de uma política pública para o tratamento das doenças raras no SUS. A Bioética Principialista de Beauchamp e Childress, em seus princípios prima-facie: o respeito pela autonomia; a não maleficência; a beneficência e a justiça, é tomada como fundamentação teórica deste estudo. O tratamento dos dados se deu por meio do método de análise de conteúdo, de Bardin. A pesquisa contempla o percurso histórico das principais política públicas de saúde, e seus movimentos em direção à criação do SUS, e a integração dos hospitais universitários ao sistema público de saúde, em seus marcos legais. Ela também enfoca a mobilização da sociedade política e organizada em busca da materialização política pública de atenção às Doenças Raras. O estudo constatou que os princípios de Justiça e da Beneficência emergiram espontaneamente, e por vezes implicitamente, na fala do sujeitos da pesquisa, em suas justificativas morais para a criação de uma política pública para Doenças Raras. Ademais, é delineado o curso da doença na família, haja vista tratar-se de doença hereditária. Assinala-se de que modo a DF chegou do acaso a estas pessoas, e como estas chegaram ao diagnóstico e tratamento.

Considerações sobre o marxismo tradicional e sua crítica

Este trabalho discorre sobre as causas do fracasso do socialismo realmente existente e por extensão elabora uma crítica consistente ao marxismo tradicional. A crítica incide precisamente na ênfase que se dá às categorias de exploração, propriedade privada e mercado, tidas como essenciais na determinação do capitalismo. Seguindo a lógica, estas formulações críticas possibilitam certo cotejamento no interior da produção teórica do serviço social ao restaurar a dimensão efetivamente crítica do pensamento marxista. Nessa perspectiva, discutiremos as influências da corrente aqui criticada nas elaborações da categoria profissional a fim de explorar os debates manifestos dentro do universo marxista. Em último caso, busca oferecer outras perspectivas teóricas no interesse de contribuição epistemológica.

Mães obesas, filhotes obesos: estudo experimental

O aumento da obesidade materna pode refletir em efeitos deletérios na prole adulta, manifestos diferentemente de acordo com o gênero do indivíduo. Este trabalho teve como objetivo verificar a hipótese de que a obesidade materna provoca alterações metabólicas, na estrutura do tecido adiposo e hepático e mudanças de perfil inflamatório nas proles adultas de machos e fêmeas. Fêmeas C57BL/ 6 receberam dieta padrão (SC, 17% da energia proveniente do lipídeo) ou dieta hiperlipídica (HF; 49% da energia proveniente do lipídeo) durante oito semanas pré-gestacionais até a lactação. Após o desmame, os filhotes foram divididos nos grupos: SCM (machos), SCF (fêmeas), HFM (machos) e HFF (fêmeas). As características metabólicas foram avaliadas pela massa corporal (MC), glicemia de jejum, área sob a curva no teste oral de tolerância a glicose; concentrações de triglicerídes (TG) hepáticos e estimativa da esteatose hepática; análise plasmática de insulina, colesterol total (CT), triglicerídes (TG) e adipocinas; distribuição e análise morfológica do tecido adiposo e estado pró-inflamatório dos filhotes. Diferenças entre os grupos foram analisadas pelo Teste T não pareado (dados entre progenitoras e pares de grupos nas proles); one-way ANOVA com pós-teste de Tukey (para proles) e two-way ANOVA (efeito da dieta materna e gênero). O nível de significância adotado foi de P≤0,05. Progenitoras HF tiveram maior MC (+20%), glicemia elevada (+22%) e intolerância à glicose em comparação ao grupo SC. A partir da quarta semana, a MC mostrou-se maior nas proles HF, em ambos os gêneros, quando comparados às proles SC. Na 12 semana, a MC foi 20% maior no grupo HF macho e 30% maior no grupo HF fêmea do que seus controles (p<0,0001, ambos os gêneros). Intolerância à glicose foi observada em machos e fêmeas HF em relação aos seus contrapares SC (+20%, p<0,05). Proles HF demonstraram hepatomegalia com maior acúmulo de TG hepático, resultando em maior percentual de esteatose em machos (27%) e fêmeas HF (25%). Proles HF apresentaram incremento na adiposidade (+20%) e nos níveis de CT e TG do que seus congêneres SC. Níveis plasmáticos de leptina e insulina foram maiores, enquanto houve diminuição da adiponectina no grupo HF macho em relação ao grupo SC macho. Hipertrofia de adipócitos foi observada nas proles HF. TNF-alfa, IL-6 e leptina foram mais expressos em proles HF, porém diminuição na expressão de adiponectina foi evidenciada nas proles geradas por mães obesas. A luz do exposto, a dieta HF administrada em mães antes e durante períodos de gestação e lactação leva à obesidade materna que tem consequências na prole, tais como remodelamento do tecido adiposo, juntamente com alterações bioquímicas e metabólicas dos adipócitos, intensificando o estado pró-inflamatório da prole, em ambos os gêneros, na idade adulta.

Extracting Policy Positions from Political Texts Using words as Data

We present a new way of extracting policy positions from political texts that treats texts not as discourses to be understood and interpreted but rather, as data in the form of words. We compare this approach to previous methods of text analysis and use it to replicate published estimates of the policy positions of political parties in Britain and Ireland, on both economic and social policy dimensions. We “export” the method to a non-English-language environment, analyzing the policy positions of German parties, including the PDS as it entered the former West German party system. Finally, we extend its application beyond the analysis of party manifestos, to the estimation of political positions from legislative speeches. Our “language-blind” word scoring technique successfully replicates published policy estimates without the substantial costs of time and labor that these require. Furthermore, unlike in any previous method for extracting policy positions from political texts, we provide uncertainty measures for our estimates, allowing analysts to make informed judgments of the extent to which differences between two estimated policy positions can be viewed as significant or merely as products of measurement error.

After Housing Policy: Housing and the UK General Election 2001

This paper describes the results of a review of the housing content of UK General Election 2001 manifestos. Housing policy was of little importance during the election campaign. The main British political parties had, essentially, a shared housing agenda - to promote and facilitate home ownership, support area and community regeneration, tackle homelessness, improve the private rented sector, and prevent building on greenfield sites. Many issues of importance to housing specialists received little or no attention, most notably that of low demand. Some policy variations within the UK were evident, for example in attitudes towards greenfield development, home ownership and stock transfer. The paper concludes that differences in housing policy are emerging within the UK as part of a new politics of devolution and that the days of a single housing policy approach for the UK are over.

Issue salience in regional and national party manifestoes in the UK

The study reveals the salience of particular issues in the manifestos of the main British parties for the 1997 and 2003 UK general elections, as well as the 2003 Scottish and Welsh elections, using the method introduced by the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) and a modified list of issue categories to reflect the division of government competences between the central and regional governments. Ideological and social base of a party, as well as the delimitation of government competences, are found to be important determinants of issue salience. A more consensual institutional design of the regional government in Scotland and Wales seems to have conditioned larger differences among the issue profiles of parties competing in regional elections, in comparison with general elections. With the institutionalisation of devolution, however, we observe an increase in the similarity of the issue profiles of the same parties in general and in Scottish and Welsh elections, as well as among different parties competing in the same regional elections. © 2005 Taylor & Francis.

Soundspace: A Manifesto

The manifesto is a long-standing and powerful tool for challenge within architecture, deployed by those as diverse as Vitruvius and Frank Lloyd Wright (who proposed a Walt Whitman-inspired “Work Song” of 1896) to those publishing in blogs across the designing planet today. Manifestos are locations for dreaming, for the banging of shoes, for passion in words about the environment we invent. Our manifesto follows in that tradition of poetry and critical optimism in calling for a new architecture of soundspace.

Here we wish to act as Markus Miessen’s “uninvited outsider” (Miessen 2010), a transgressive voice that disturbs the status quo beyond comfortable familiarity and brings together different types of thinkers and various modes of critique.[1] In this article we seek to probe “fundamental questions about how and for whom the built environment is produced and … conventional frameworks or oldestablished rules and regulations” through the interdisciplinarity that sound studies demands.[2] The ear to transgression is open.[3]

Estimating policy positions from political texts

The analysis of policy-based party;;competition will not make serious progress beyond the constraints of (a) the unitary actor assumption and (b) a static approach to analyzing party competition between elections until a method is available for deriving; reliable and valid time-series estimates of the policy positions of large numbers of political actors. Retrospective estimation of these positions;In past party systems will require a method for estimating policy positions from political texts.

Previous hand-coding content analysis schemes deal with policy emphasis rather than policy positions. We propose a new hand-coding scheme for policy positions, together with a new English language computer,coding scheme that is compatible with this. We apply both schemes; to party manifestos from Britain and Ireland in 1992 and 1997 and cross validate the resulting estimates with :those derived from quite independent expert surveys and with previous,manifesto analyses.

There is a high degree of cross validation between coding methods. including computer coding. This implies that it is indeed possible to use computer-coded content analysis to derive reliable and valid estimates of policy positions from political texts. This will allow vast Volumes of text to be coded, including texts generated by individuals and other internal party actors, allowing the empirical elaboration of dynamic rather than static models of party competition that move beyond the unitary actor assumption.

Gender and Politics in Northern Ireland: the representation gap revisited

This article examines the nature of gender politics in Northern Ireland since the 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Agreement. Taking gender justice as a normative democratic framework, the article argues that despite the promise of women's equal participation in public and political life written into the Agreement, parties have delivered varied responses to integrating women, women's interests and perspectives into politics and policy platforms. This contrasts with general patterns supporting women's increased participation in social and political life. The article discusses women's descriptive and substantive representation through electoral outcomes and party manifestos, using the demands of successive women's manifestos as a benchmark. It concludes that while parties have given less recognition and inclusion to women than one might have expected in a new political context, the push for democratic accountability will ensure that gender politics will continue to have a place on the political agenda for some time to come.

To Hell with Herbert Read

Freee write manifestos by taking a pencil (or a laptop) to an historical text, usually belonging to the entwined traditions of the avant-garde and political activism. Sometimes, as Tristan Tzara advised, we choose the text according to its length, while other times, such as in this instance, we selected the text according to the conditions of the invitation that triggered the writing of the manifesto. Our manifesto ‘To Hell with Herbert Read’ was written originally as a contribution to a conference held in Manchester that took its title from Herbert Read’s book ‘To Hell with Culture’. ‘To Hell with Culture’ is a book that cuts itself off from the world whereas ‘To Hell with Herbert Read’ relocates Read’s book in a world of cultural, social, economic and political actualities that are part of common experience. Read rejects culture because he thinks it is a useless, wasteful, elitist, puffed-up, decorative supplement to the functional, factual, palpable, purposeful world of things. He is a positivist kind of modernist who presents himself as the opposite, an enemy of the status quo. He is an anarchist of a particularly bourgeois hue: he wants us all to have decent pots and pans, not the inferior ones that are supplied by market forces cheaply. Rather than taking his aim precisely to target the dominant forces of his day - the industrial capitalists and their financiers - he rejects the world and all its inhabitants. He not only despises elitist culture but popular culture too.

To Hell with Herbert Read

Freee write manifestos by taking a pencil (or a laptop) to an historical text, usually belonging to the entwined traditions of the avant-garde and political activism. Sometimes, as Tristan Tzara advised, we choose the text according to its length, while other times, such as in this instance, we selected the text according to the conditions of the invitation that triggered the writing of the manifesto. Our manifesto ‘To Hell with Herbert Read’ was written originally as a contribution to a conference held in Manchester that took its title from Herbert Read’s book ‘To Hell with Culture’. ‘To Hell with Culture’ is a book that cuts itself off from the world whereas ‘To Hell with Herbert Read’ relocates Read’s book in a world of cultural, social, economic and political actualities that are part of common experience. Read rejects culture because he thinks it is a useless, wasteful, elitist, puffed-up, decorative supplement to the functional, factual, palpable, purposeful world of things. He is a positivist kind of modernist who presents himself as the opposite, an enemy of the status quo. He is an anarchist of a particularly bourgeois hue: he wants us all to have decent pots and pans, not the inferior ones that are supplied by market forces cheaply. Rather than taking his aim precisely to target the dominant forces of his day - the industrial capitalists and their financiers - he rejects the world and all its inhabitants. He not only despises elitist culture but popular culture too.

El otro, el cine y el intelectual : Víctor Gaviria, el poder de la imagen cinematográfica

Dans une société médiatique on ne peut pas définir l’intellectuel comme une personne qui simplement travaille avec les lettres; on doit le définir plutôt comme une personne qui utilise d’autres moyens de communication en cherchant la meilleure façon de critiquer la société. En regardant la problématique de la définition de l’intellectuel dans la société médiatique on étudie dans ce mémoire les films Rodrigo D. No futuro et La Vendedora de Rosas réalisés dans les bidonvilles de Medellin par le directeur colombien Víctor Gaviria. Dans les films on peut voir la vie de jeunes garçons et des enfants pour qui la réalité est faite de drogue et de pauvreté. L’étude s’étend sur trois chapitres : Dans le premier on examine l’ensemble socio-historique dans lequel les films ont été réalisés et aussi on examine le concept de « sicariato » qui a été utilisé dans des études scientifiques et des romans. Le second chapitre porte sur la problématique de la définition de l’intellectuel et sur le processus de création de Víctor Gaviria, appelé « Voluntad Realista ». Dans le troisième chapitre on examine le manifeste écrit par Víctor Gaviria « Las Latas en el fondo del río » dans le contexte historique du troisième cinéma latino-americain, dont les cinéastes ont écrit des manifestes semblables.

La littérature camerounaise en quête d’autonomie : analyse du rôle de l’association La ronde des poètes

Notre analyse du rôle de l’association La ronde des poètes dans la lutte pour l’autonomie de la littérature camerounaise s’est appuyée sur l’approche sociologique de Pierre Bourdieu pour qui la société est constituée de champs spécifiques en lutte les uns contre les autres pour atteindre un statut privilégié dans le champ social, ce qui constitue un aspect de leur autonomie. Selon Bourdieu, l’étude des manifestations de l’autonomie des champs littéraires devrait tenir compte de toutes les actions entreprises par les agents dudit champ. En effet, ces différentes actions ne sont que des stratégies de lutte. Seulement, d’après Jacques Dubois, l’autonomie des littératures nationales n’est acquise que lorsque celles-ci possèdent un appareil institutionnel propre capable d’assurer seul la production et la diffusion des œuvres, la légitimation et la consécration des écrivains. Si toutes ces conditions réunies échappent encore à plusieurs littératures de l’Afrique subsaharienne, il n’en demeure pas moins que ces dernières sont engagées dans un processus de lutte pour leur autonomie, ce que prouve l’exemple de La ronde des poètes, notre prétexte pour observer les manifestations de l’autonomie au sein du champ littéraire camerounais. Les stratégies de lutte de La ronde des poètes sont d’émergence et de fonctionnement. Pour le premier cas, la formule associative qui donne plus de possibilités que ne pourrait avoir un auteur isolé, le choix de la poésie aussi qui est un genre dont la production des œuvres ne nécessite pas de gros moyens financiers, nous sont apparus comme des stratégies ayant permis aux membres de La ronde des poètes de devenir des écrivains dans un contexte de production défavorable. De plus, par leurs textes fondateurs, ils se définissent comme un groupe ayant un programme d’action bien établi. Par ailleurs, ils attirent sur eux l’attention en se proclamant avant-gardistes et, pour le montrer, publient des manifestes et se détournent, idéologiquement parlant, de la poétique de la négritude dont la fixation sur la race a dominé la création littéraire pendant plusieurs décennies en Afrique. Les stratégies d’émergence de La ronde des poètes ont travaillé à l’identification de cette association comme un élément du champ littéraire camerounais ayant sa place aux côtés d’autres acteurs existant déjà dans ce champ. Pour ce qui est des stratégies de fonctionnement, La ronde des poètes s’est dotée d’un statut légal en se faisant enregistrer auprès des autorités camerounaises, ce qui la consolide dans son champ social. Sur le plan littéraire, ses membres lui confèrent un caractère institutionnel en créant en son sein des formes d’instances littéraires. Leurs ateliers d’écriture assurent la création des œuvres, les instances de diffusion prennent chez eux la forme d’un bulletin hebdomadaire, « Le rondin », mais surtout d’une revue, Hiototi : Revue camerounaise de poésie, de lettres et de culture. Cette revue recueille les articles de critiques littéraires formés à La ronde des poètes et de ceux du Cameroun. Le « Prix de la poésie rondine » est leur instance de consécration interne. Cette association réussit ainsi à obtenir la reconnaissance de pairs, poètes et écrivains camerounais et étrangers, celle aussi d’autorités camerounaises et internationales. En somme, la réunion de ces instances institutionnelles montre combien la marche vers l’autonomie de la littérature camerounaise en général est réelle.

Théorie du langage et esthétique totalisante dans l’œuvre poétique de Christophe Tarkos

Cette thèse prend pour objet le nouage entre l’autoréflexivité et la mise en forme esthétique dans la poésie de Christophe Tarkos, produite dans les années 1990. Elle met en lumière les rapports entre l’élaboration d’une théorie du langage au sein de cette œuvre poétique et ses visées esthétiques totalisantes. Il s’agit d’identifier les principes générateurs de la théorie et de fournir une analyse de ses fondements qui s’ancrent dans la crise de la représentation moderne commençant dans la deuxième moitié du dix-neuvième siècle. Les motifs de la crise revisités par Tarkos inscrivent sa poésie dans une historicité, et notre thèse tente d’interpréter cette actualisation dans une œuvre qui donne forme au monde et à la mémoire individuelle. L’hypothèse qui chapeaute notre étude est que la théorie du langage favorise l’intelligibilité de l’œuvre totalisante en lui offrant un support réflexif. Notre thèse, qui privilégie une méthode fondée sur l’analyse des textes, se divise en trois parties. La première propose une recension de la réception critique de l’œuvre, dont nous retraçons les grandes lignes d’interprétation, de Christian Prigent à Jean-Michel Espitallier. Tout en plaçant Tarkos dans le champ poétique français, cette étape nous permet de positionner notre recherche par rapport à certains lieux communs de la critique. La deuxième partie vise à étudier la théorie du langage de Tarkos à partir de ses manifestes principaux (Le Signe =, Manifeste chou, Ma langue est poétique et La poésie est une intelligence) qui révèlent plusieurs principes, pouvoirs et limites de la langue et de la poésie. Afin de montrer la spécificité du concept de la « pâte-mot » de Tarkos, nous l’étudions dans un dialogue avec la figure de la « pâte » langagière chez la poète française Danielle Collobert. La troisième partie propose une étude de la volonté et de l’esthétique totalisantes dans l’œuvre de Tarkos, qui cherche à donner forme au réel. En effet, la poésie répond à l’excès du réel par diverses stratégies. Tout en voulant représenter son caractère débordant par une énonciation logorrhéique ou en usant de procédés comme celui de la répétition, elle cherche à le maîtriser dans des formes textuelles stables comme des fragments de prose « carrés » (Carrés, Caisses), dans des listes énumératives (Anachronisme) ou dans des réseaux d’images. La volonté totalisante chez Tarkos semble également prendre origine dans un sentiment d’urgence qui concerne, en dernière instance, une bataille contre la finitude.