884 resultados para Income redistribution
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The concept of global justice has been developed to stress the worldwide implications of moral problems. Not much, however, has been written about the actual politics of global justice. This article focuses on public opinion and argues that attitudes about international redistribution are not a simple projection of attitudes about the domestic situation. In countries where domestic income redistribution is seen as an important priority, foreign aid is less popular; where this is less so, there is more concern for the fate of the poor in the South. Far from reflecting a lack of coherence in public opinion, these counterintuitive results need to be understood in connection with policy achievements in donor countries. The authors' empirical findings suggest that although the commitment to redistribute is stronger at the national level, relationships of solidarity do not stop at national boundaries. The achievement of justice at home in fact sustains justice abroad.
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Bolsa Família is the major brazilian conditional cash transfer program. It provides money to poor families contingent on investments in human capital, such as sending children to school or bringing them to health centers. This work aims to investigate if this program, in its normative structure, can be considered an appropriate policy of income redistribution and if it is able, appliances of the Welfare State model in the brazilian society and to approach the program in two different ways: as an alternative to more traditional social assistance programs and as a demand-side complement to the supply of other social needs. We will work on the thesis that the program by itself can not provide vulnerable populations with enough means to overcome poverty and to participate effectively on the market. According to this assumption, this paper is going to consider the reasons why tackling income necessary, along with the program, that the Government - in both federal and local spheres shall place major investments in critical areas like education and health.
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Local provision of public services has the positive effect of increasing the efficiency because each locality has its idiosyncrasies that determine a particular demand for public services. This dissertation addresses different aspects of the local demand for public goods and services and their relationship with political incentives. The text is divided in three essays. The first essay aims to test the existence of yardstick competition in education spending using panel data from Brazilian municipalities. The essay estimates two-regime spatial Durbin models with time and spatial fixed effects using maximum likelihood, where the regimes represent different electoral and educational accountability institutional settings. First, it is investigated whether the lame duck incumbents tend to engage in less strategic interaction as a result of the impossibility of reelection, which lowers the incentives for them to signal their type (good or bad) to the voters by mimicking their neighbors’ expenditures. Additionally, it is evaluated whether the lack of electorate support faced by the minority governments causes the incumbents to mimic the neighbors’ spending to a greater extent to increase their odds of reelection. Next, the essay estimates the effects of the institutional change introduced by the disclosure on April 2007 of the Basic Education Development Index (known as IDEB) and its goals on the strategic interaction at the municipality level. This institutional change potentially increased the incentives for incumbents to follow the national best practices in an attempt to signal their type to voters, thus reducing the importance of local information spillover. The same model is also tested using school inputs that are believed to improve students’ performance in place of education spending. The results show evidence for yardstick competition in education spending. Spatial auto-correlation is lower among the lame ducks and higher among the incumbents with minority support (a smaller vote margin). In addition, the institutional change introduced by the IDEB reduced the spatial interaction in education spending and input-setting, thus diminishing the importance of local information spillover. The second essay investigates the role played by the geographic distance between the poor and non-poor in the local demand for income redistribution. In particular, the study provides an empirical test of the geographically limited altruism model proposed in Pauly (1973), incorporating the possibility of participation costs associated with the provision of transfers (Van de Wale, 1998). First, the discussion is motivated by allowing for an “iceberg cost” of participation in the programs for the poor individuals in Pauly’s original model. Next, using data from the 2000 Brazilian Census and a panel of municipalities based on the National Household Sample Survey (PNAD) from 2001 to 2007, all the distance-related explanatory variables indicate that an increased proximity between poor and non-poor is associated with better targeting of the programs (demand for redistribution). For instance, a 1-hour increase in the time spent commuting by the poor reduces the targeting by 3.158 percentage points. This result is similar to that of Ashworth, Heyndels and Smolders (2002) but is definitely not due to the program leakages. To empirically disentangle participation costs and spatially restricted altruism effects, an additional test is conducted using unique panel data based on the 2004 and 2006 PNAD, which assess the number of benefits and the average benefit value received by beneficiaries. The estimates suggest that both cost and altruism play important roles in targeting determination in Brazil, and thus, in the determination of the demand for redistribution. Lastly, the results indicate that ‘size matters’; i.e., the budget for redistribution has a positive impact on targeting. The third essay aims to empirically test the validity of the median voter model for the Brazilian case. Information on municipalities are obtained from the Population Census and the Brazilian Supreme Electoral Court for the year 2000. First, the median voter demand for local public services is estimated. The bundles of services offered by reelection candidates are identified as the expenditures realized during incumbents’ first term in office. The assumption of perfect information of candidates concerning the median demand is relaxed and a weaker hypothesis, of rational expectation, is imposed. Thus, incumbents make mistakes about the median demand that are referred to as misperception errors. Thus, at a given point in time, incumbents can provide a bundle (given by the amount of expenditures per capita) that differs from median voter’s demand for public services by a multiplicative error term, which is included in the residuals of the demand equation. Next, it is estimated the impact of the module of this misperception error on the electoral performance of incumbents using a selection models. The result suggests that the median voter model is valid for the case of Brazilian municipalities.
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This thesis is comprised of three chapters. The first article studies the determinants of the labor force participation of elderly American males and investigates the factors that may account for the changes in retirement between 1950 and 2000. We develop a life-cycle general equilibrium model with endogenous retirement that embeds Social Security legislation and Medicare. Individuals are ex ante heterogeneous with respect to their preferences for leisure and face uncertainty about labor productivity, health status and out-of-pocket medical expenses. The model is calibrated to the U.S. economy in 2000 and is able to reproduce very closely the retirement behavior of the American population. It reproduces the peaks in the distribution of Social Security applications at ages 62 and 65 and the observed facts that low earners and unhealthy individuals retire earlier. It also matches very closely the increase in retirement from 1950 to 2000. Changes in Social Security policy - which became much more generous - and the introduction of Medicare account for most of the expansion of retirement. In contrast, the isolated impact of the increase in longevity was a delaying of retirement. In the second article, I develop an overlapping generations model of criminal behavior, which extends prior research on crime by taking into account individuals' labor supply decisions and the stigma effect that affects convicted offenders, lowering their likelihood of employment. I use the model to guide a quantitative assessment of the determinants of crime and of a counterfactual experiment in which an income redistribution policy is thought as an alternative to greater law enforcement. The model economy considered in this paper is populated by heterogeneous agents who live for a realistic number of periods, have preferences over consumption and leisure, and differ in terms of their age, their skills as well as their employment shocks. In addition, savings may be precautionary and allow partial insurance against the labor income shocks. Because of the lack of full insurance, this model generates an endogenous distribution of wealth across consumers, enabling us to assess the welfare implications of the redistribution policy experiment. I calibrated the model using the US data for 1980 and then use the model to investigate the changes in criminality between 1980 and 1996. The main results that come out of this study are: 1) Law enforcement policy was the most important factor behind the fall in criminality in the period, while the increase in inequality was the most important single factor promoting crime; 2) Stigmatization is not a free-cost crime control policy; 3) Income redistribution can be a powerful alternative policy to fight crime. Finally, the third article studies the impact of HIV/AIDS on per capita income and education. It explores two channels from HIV/AIDS to income that have not been sufficiently stressed by the literature: the reduction of the incentives to study due to shorter expected longevity and the reduction of productivity of experienced workers. In the model individuals live for three periods, may get infected in the second period and with some probability die of Aids before reaching the third period of their life. Parents care for the welfare of the future generations so that they will maximize lifetime utility of their dynasty. The simulations predict that the most affected countries in Sub-Saharan Africa will be in the future, on average, thirty percent poorer than they would be without AIDS. Schooling will decline in some cases by forty percent. These figures are dramatically reduced with widespread medical treatment, as it increases the survival probability and productivity of infected individuals.
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Includes bibliography
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Includes bibliography
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The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether some positions in democratic theory should be adjusted or abandoned in view of internationalisation; and if adjusted, how. More specifically it pursues three different aims: to evaluate various attempts to explain levels of democracy as consequences of internationalisation; to investigate whether the taking into account of internationalisation reveals any reason to reconsider what democracy is or means; and to suggest normative interpretations that cohere with the adjustments of conceptual and explanatory democratic theory made in the course of meeting the other two aims. When empirical methods are used, the scope of the study is restricted to West European parliamentary democracies and their international affairs. More particularly, the focus is on the making of budget policy in Britain, France, and Sweden after the Second World War, and recent budget policy in the European Union. The aspects of democracy empirically analysed are political autonomy, participation, and deliberation. The material considered includes parliamentary debates, official statistics, economic forecasts, elections manifestos, shadow budgets, general election turnouts, regulations of budget decision-making, and staff numbers in government and parliament budgetary divisions. The study reaches the following conclusions among others. (i) The fact that internationalisation increases the divergence between those who make and those who are affected by decisions is not by itself a democratic problem that calls for political reform. (ii) That international organisations may have authorities delegated to them from democratic states is not sufficient to justify them democratically. Democratisation still needs to be undertaken. (iii) The fear that internationalisation dissolves a social trust necessary for political deliberation within nations seems to be unwarranted. If anything, views argued by others in domestic budgetary debate are taken increasingly serious during internationalisation. (iv) The major difficulty with deliberation seems to be its inability to transcend national boundaries. International deliberation at state level has not evolved in response to internationalisation and it is undeveloped in international institutions. (v) Democratic political autonomy diminishes during internationalisation with regard to income redistribution and policy areas taken over by international organisations, but it seems to increase in public spending. (vi) In the area of budget policy-making there are no signs that governments gain power at the expense of parliaments during internationalisation. (vii) To identify crucial democratic issues in a time of internationalisation and to make room for theoretical virtues like general applicability and normative fruitfulness, democracy may be defined as a kind of politics where as many as possible decide as much as possible.
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La crisis orgánica y la rebelión popular marcaron el final del modelo neoliberal y la génesis del modelo «productivo con inclusión social». El bloque dominante se propuso: 1. Recomponer el poder del Estado. 2. Recuperar el crecimiento económico para garantizar la acumulación capitalista. 3. Dirimir la disputa por la hegemonía entre sectores del bloque dominante y asegurar el control del bloque subalterno. Se realizaron concesiones a los sectores populares sin atenuar la concentración y extranjerización económicas, ni la depredación de recursos naturales no renovables. No existe una real redistribución de la propiedad de la riqueza, sino una distribución de los ingresos entre sectores asalariados.
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El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el crecimiento del comercio minorista en Brasil teniendo en vista la ampliación del mercado interno de consumo que ha sido impulsada por la ampliación del sistema de crédito y por políticas estatales de redistribución de renta y de exención de impuestos. La expansión del mercado implica una profunda reestructuración a nivel productivo que abarca el sector industrial, comercial y de servicios y que se realiza por medio de una constante reorganización espacial y de la transformación gradual de los patrones de consumo. Una de las características principales del crecimiento del mercado interno de consumo es la tendencia a exacerbar las contradicciones centro-periferia generadas por la consolidación de procesos de concentración y centralización espacial de las actividades económicas en determinadas regiones del territorio brasilero.
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El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el crecimiento del comercio minorista en Brasil teniendo en vista la ampliación del mercado interno de consumo que ha sido impulsada por la ampliación del sistema de crédito y por políticas estatales de redistribución de renta y de exención de impuestos. La expansión del mercado implica una profunda reestructuración a nivel productivo que abarca el sector industrial, comercial y de servicios y que se realiza por medio de una constante reorganización espacial y de la transformación gradual de los patrones de consumo. Una de las características principales del crecimiento del mercado interno de consumo es la tendencia a exacerbar las contradicciones centro-periferia generadas por la consolidación de procesos de concentración y centralización espacial de las actividades económicas en determinadas regiones del territorio brasilero.
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El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el crecimiento del comercio minorista en Brasil teniendo en vista la ampliación del mercado interno de consumo que ha sido impulsada por la ampliación del sistema de crédito y por políticas estatales de redistribución de renta y de exención de impuestos. La expansión del mercado implica una profunda reestructuración a nivel productivo que abarca el sector industrial, comercial y de servicios y que se realiza por medio de una constante reorganización espacial y de la transformación gradual de los patrones de consumo. Una de las características principales del crecimiento del mercado interno de consumo es la tendencia a exacerbar las contradicciones centro-periferia generadas por la consolidación de procesos de concentración y centralización espacial de las actividades económicas en determinadas regiones del territorio brasilero.
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La articulación entre las políticas de empleo y las políticas sociales condicionan la percepción subjetiva de incertidumbre los individuos. El modelo de mercado laboral tiene un peso determinante en la percepción de incertidumbre. El empleo en sí mismo ya no es suficiente garantía de ingresos seguros. El empleo a tiempo parcial y los contratos temporales generan una creciente demanda de políticas de redistribución de los ingresos en los países del Sur y Este de Europa. En los países escandinavos los mismos tipos de contratos laborales generan menos desigualdad porque el empleo público contribuye a generar un “círculo virtuoso” que favorece las políticas de igualdad y la conciliación entre la vida laboral y familiar. A nivel individual las actitudes pro-redistributivas las impulsan las mujeres, aquellas personas con incertidumbre en sus ingresos económicos y con bajo nivel de estudios. Por el contrario, quienes más confían en el éxito individual y el mérito son los jóvenes con estudios universitarios y aquellos que perciben ingresos económicos altos.
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Cette thèse examine l’investissement en capital humain au Canada en s’intéressant à la contribution de l’aide financière aux études, aux effets de la fiscalité, à la rentabilité de l’investissement en éducation postsécondaire et à la redistribution des revenus. Elle est subdivisée en cinq chapitres. Le premier chapitre présente une révue chronologique des études microéconomiques sur l’investissement en capital humain. Il présente également une synthèse des études canadiennes sur l’investissement en capital humain en insistant sur les limites portant essentiellement sur la non prise en compte de l’hétérogénéité des systèmes de prêts et bourses et des systèmes fiscaux à travers les provinces canadiennes et la faible analyse de la répartition des coûts et bénéfices de l’investissement en éducation au Canada. Le second chapitre présente la méthodologie de mesure des rendements de l’éducation et des gains issus des investissements en éducation. Il décrit les données utilisées et les résultats des régressions économetriques. Finalement, le chapitre présente SIMAID, un calculateur d’aide financière aux études élaboré pour les objectifs dans cette thèse et qui permet d’estimer le montant de l’aide financière devant être attribuée à chaque étudiant en fonction de ses caractéristiques personnelles et de celles de sa famille. Dans sa première section, le troisième chapitre présente les rendements sociaux, privés et publics de l’éducation et montre que les rendements de l’éducation varient selon les provinces, les filières de formation, le genre et les cohortes d’année de naissance et décroient avec le niveau d’éducation. Dans sa seconde section, le chapitre montre que l’aide financière aux études accroît le rendement des études du baccalauréat de 24.3% et 9.5% respectivement au Québec et en Ontario. Finalement, le chapitre indique qu’un changement du système d’aide financière aux études de Québec par celui de l’Ontario entraîne une baisse de 11.9% du rendement des études au baccalauréat alors qu’un changement du système fiscal québécois par celui ontarien entraine une hausse du rendement du baccalauréat de 4.5%. L’effet combiné du changement des systèmes d’aide financière et fiscal est une baisse du rendement du baccalauréat de 7.4%. Le quatrième chapitre fournit une décomposition comptable détaillée des gains sociaux, privés et publics des investissements en éducation. Le gain social de l’investissement au baccalauréat est de $738 384 au Québec et de $685 437 en Ontario. Ce gain varie selon les filières de formation avec un niveau minimal pour les études humanitaires et un niveau maximal pour les études en ingénierie. Le chapitre montre également que la répartition des bénéfices et des coûts de l’investissement en éducation entre les individus et le gouvernement est plus équitable en Ontario qu’à Québec. En effet, un individu qui investit à Québec supporte 51.6% du coût total et engrange 64.8% des gains alors que le même individu supporterait 62.9% des coûts sociaux et engrangerait 62.2% des gains en Ontario. Finalement, le cinquième chapitre présente et analyse les effets rédistributifs des transferts et des taxes suite à un investissement en éducation. Il examine aussi si l’aide financière aux études est effectivement allouée aux personnes les plus pauvres. L’argument selon lequel l’aide financière est destinée aux plus pauvres est rejeté en analysant la distribution du revenu permanent. En effet, il ressort que 79% des personnes bénéficiant de l’aide financière aux études se trouvent dans le cinquième quintile de la distribution des revenus permanents. Le chapitre montre également que l’investissement en éducation impacte positivement les effets rédistributifs en 2006, 2001 et 1996 et négativement en 1991 et 2011. L’impact est également perceptible sur les composantes de l’effet rédistributif. Toutefois, la sensibilité de l’impact au taux d’actualisation dépend de l’indice utilisé dans l’analyse.
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The demographic shift underway in Southern Europe requires a revision of some of the fundamental principles of the traditional welfare state. We analyze the evolution of several aspects of welfare and social expenditure over the last two decades. We find that in the context of the present demographic changes and real estate boom current social and pension policy leads to a new distribution of benefits and burdens which is highly intergenerationally unequal. We argue for a revised definition of public policy based on Musgrave's proposition as a possible rule for an intergenerationally fair distribution.