Romero y Hobsbawm

La aparición de libros en español tales como El siglo XX de Eric J. Hobsbawm y la reedición de La crisis del Mundo Burgués de José Luis Romero, nos puso nuevamente en contacto con dos textos que poseen una sintonía notable. En el presente artículo se pretende ver cuales son los mundos descriptos por estos prestigiosos historiadores que son los mismos y distintos a la vez, en donde la erudición y la vivencia se convierten en dos instrumentos claves a la hora de observar sus interrogantes y respuestas sobre el pasado reciente.

Marxism Today [Review]

The briefly resurrected Marxism Today (1998), edited by Martin Jacques, sets out to deal with perceived failures of the 'Blair project' (Jacques, 1998: 2). Jacques opens the issue by reaffirming that Blair, which is to say New Labour, is the successful creation of the 'New Left' projects, the first of which began in the late-fifties and early sixties in both Britain and the US, and which were vigorously revived in the late 1980s. However, the most comprehensive debate is fairly much contained in the first three articles, written by Hobsbawm, Hall, and Mulgan, insofar as the broadest defining parameters of Third Way 'values' are addressed by these writers.

Deutschland, Deutschland über alles : Tysk föreningsverksamhet i Finland och Sverige 1910-1950

The voluntary associations dealt with in this dissertation were ethnic clubs and societies promoting the interests of German immigrants in Finland and Sweden. The associations were founded at the end of the 19th century as well as at the beginning of the 20th century during a time in which migration was high, the civil society grew rapidly and nationalism flourished. The work includes over 70 different associations in Finland and Sweden with a number of members ranging from ten to at most 2, 500. The largest and most important associations were situated in Helsinki and Stockholm where also most of the German immigrants lived. The main aim of this work is to explore to what extent and how the changes in government in Germany during 1910 to 1950 were reflected in the structures and participants, financial resources and meeting places, networks and activities of the German associations in Finland and Sweden. The study also deals with how a collective German national identity was created within the German associations. The period between 1910 and 1950 has been described by Hobsbawm as the apogee of nationalism. Nationalism and transnationalism are therefore key elements in the work. Additionally the research deals with theories about associations, networking and identity. The analysis is mostly based on minutes of meetings, descriptions of festivities, annual reports and historical outlines about the associations. Archival sources from the German legations, the German Foreign Office, and Finnish and Swedish officials such as the police and the Foreign Offices are also used. The study shows that the collective national identity in the associations during the Weimar Republic mostly went back to the time of the Wilhelmine Empire. It is argued that this fact, the cultural propaganda and the aims of the Weimar Republic to strengthen the contacts between Germany and the German associations abroad, and the role of the German legations and envoys finally helped the small groups of NSDAP to infiltrate, systematically coordinate and finally centralize the German associational life in Finland and Sweden. The Gleichschaltung did not go as smoothly as the party wanted, though. There was a small but consistent opposition that continued to exist in Finland until 1941 and in Sweden until 1945. The collective national identity was displayed much more in Sweden than in Finland, where the associations kept a lower profile. The reasons for the profile differences can be found in the smaller number of German immigrants in Finland and the greater German propaganda in Sweden, but also in the Finnish association act from 1919 and the changes in it during the 1920s and 1930s. Finally, the research shows how the loss of two world wars influenced the associations. It argues that 1918 made the German associations more vulnerable to influence from Germany, whereas 1945 brought the associational life back to where it once started as welfare, recreational and school associations.

The Afroporteña press and Afro-Argentine’s thought in the late nineteenth century

The journalistic boom that occurred in Argentina from the second half of the nineteenth century saw the emergence of an active afroporteña press that defend the interests of the black community. This paper, in addition to reviewing the history of the Afro-Argentines newspapers, emphasizes the role played by the elite of African descent in the promotion of modernity among his brothers, while exploring the possible bases for an identity in the ideas spread.

Cut down by some cowardly miscreants’: Plant maiming, or the Malicious Cutting of Plants as an Act of Protest in Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Rural England

Since the publication of Hobsbawm and Rudé's Captain Swing our understanding of the role(s) of covert protests in Hanoverian rural England has advanced considerably. Whilst we now know much about the dramatic practices of incendiarism and animal maiming and the voices of resistance in seemingly straightforward acquisitive acts, one major gap remains. Despite the fact that almost thirty years have passed since E. P. Thompson brought to our attention that under the notorious ‘Black Act’ the malicious cutting of trees was a capital offence, no subsequent research has been published. This paper seeks to address this major lacuna by systematically analysing the practices and patterns of malicious attacks on plants (‘plant maiming’) in the context of late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century southern England. It is shown that not only did plant maiming take many different forms, attacking every conceivable type of flora, but also that it was universally understood and practised. In some communities plant maiming was the protestors' weapon of choice. As a social practice it therefore embodied wider community beliefs regarding the defence of plebeian livelihoods and identities.

Sufrimiento y pesimismo en Schopenhauer

El presente artículo investiga de qué forma la centralidad del sufrimiento en la filosofía de Schopenhauer sirve para fundamentar su pesimismo. Tres son los argumentos analizados: el lugar del sufrimiento en el mundo, su lugar en la conciencia humana y su lugar frente a la felicidad. A la luz de estos tres argumentos, se destaca que el vínculo indisoluble entre el sufrimiento y la esencia del mundo, la determinación del sufrimiento en la conciencia, tanto en su génesis como en su intensidad, y su anterioridad ontológica frente a la felicidad hacen del pesimismo una categoría necesaria. Finalmente, se señala una posible contribución del pesimismo schopenhaueriano a la crítica social contemporánea, considerando la idea de mundo que el capitalismo tardío promueve.

Fabrication d'une tradition montagnarde marocaine berbérophone : singularisation d'une fête dans le Haut Atlas marocain

Dans un village du Haut Atlas marocain, une fête abandonnée depuis plus de quinze ans a été renouvelée en 2010, attirant des journalistes, des anthropologues et des associatifs. L’étude du renouvellement de la tradition lors de cette fête, au niveau du discours, du contenu des performances et des interactions sociales, nous permet de réinterroger les modèles théoriques de la fabrication de tradition. Un processus sous-jacent apparaît comme la base de ce renouvellement, la singularisation, une forme particulière de résistance à la culture de l’État-nation ou à toute autre culture hégémonique. La singularisation est présente dans chaque élément de la fête. Elle définit un certain rapport au passé par lequel celui-ci est un miroir inversé du présent, mis en scène comme objet de perte. Elle définit également le choix culturel entre deux traditions musicales présentes dans la région. Ces mécanismes reposent sur une nouvelle logique spatiale qui résulte des récents changements économiques et politiques au Maroc. Dans cette nouvelle organisation spatiale où le pouvoir se situe en dehors du local, les femmes sont marginalisées et les figures intermédiaires deviennent le centre du renouvellement de la tradition. L’étude de la singularisation permet de mettre en lumière des processus de fabrication de l’identité, de dégager les conditions de survie culturelle d’un groupe, de caractériser le rapport entre un événement culturel et le changement social, et de préciser les modèles théoriques sur la tradition.

Honoris causa

El 18 de novembre de 2008 la Universitat de Girona va investir Eric J. Hobsbawm i Miquel Roca doctors honoris causa en un acte solemne que va aplegar gairebé tres-centes persones. La rectora, Anna M. Geli, va definir aquesta manifestació acadèmica com el “compromís d’acceptar, de manera crítica i constructiva, la transmissió de saber i de coneixement del llegat dels doctors Hobsbawm i Roca Junyent”. Així mateix, va manifestar que ambdós doctors “són part del segle XX” perquè “l’han viscut i l’han explicat” i han contribuït a fer “un món més habitable i a mostrar-nosen les deficiències”

Doctor honoris causa [novembre 2008]

Parlaments de la cerimònia d’investidura llegits el dia 18 de novembre de 2008 a l’Aula Magna de la Universitat de Girona

Reinventar un héroe: narrativas sobre los soldados rasos de la Guerra de Corea

Esta investigación se pregunta sobre las diferentes narrativas históricas que se han construido sobre la figura de los soldados rasos de la guerra de Corea, y por cómo ellos han generado estrategias en su relato que se ajustan a unos procesos históricos determinados.

Aportes de la inversión social publico - privada a la sostenibilidad de estrategias de superación de pobreza extrema sopó cundinamarca (2009 - 2012)

El presente Estudio de Caso tiene como objetivo describir la estrategia de superación de la pobreza extrema en el municipio de Sopó Cundinamarca y la importancia de los aportes de la inversión social público -privada para sostenibilidad de éstas.

La revolución como metáfora política: para una comprensión de la revolución fascista de Benito Mussolini

Asumiendo que existe una tendencia de la opinión pública y académica por relacionar la idea de revolución con procesos netamente de izquierda, se propone comprender el término como concepto y como metáfora con el fin de alejarlo de la polarización ideológica. En esta investigación se abordan los conceptos políticos y su relación con las metáforas a partir de unos principios teóricos básicos: la idea de Koselleck de que los conceptos tienen historia, y la idea de Blumenberg de que muchos conceptos fundamentales son potentes porque en el fondo son metáforas. Posteriormente se observa cómo las diferentes posturas políticas han adoptado o rechazado la idea de revolución como parte de sus proyectos políticos. Finalmente, el caso del fascismo se presenta como un escenario clave para comprobar la trascendencia del concepto y las implicaciones de su uso en términos discursivos y prácticos