Histoire d'Haïti (île de Saint-Domingue), depuis sa découverte jusqu'en 1824, époque des derniéres négociations entre la France et le gouvernement haïtien.

Mode of access: Internet.

Das Gymnasial-Schulwesen in Bayern zwischen den Jahren 1824 und 1843, Berichte und Betrachtungen.

Mode of access: Internet.

Intemperance : a sermon, delivered at the North CHurch in Newburyport, on the occasion of the publick fast, April 1, 1824 /

Shoemaker

Inventaire sommaire des Archives départementales antérieures à 1790 : Seine-et-Oise, Archives civiles,

Vol. 2 edited by G. Desjardins and M. Bertrandy-Lacabane; v. 3-4 edited by M. Bertrandy-Lacabane; v. 5 edited by M. Bertrandy-Lacabane and E. Coüard.

Inventaire-sommaire des archives départementales antérieures à 1790 : Indre-et-Loire,

Mode of access: Internet.

The fishery and reproductive biology of Barking crayfish, Linuparus trigonus (Von Siebold, 1824) along Queenslands east coast

This paper describes the fishery and reproductive biology for Linuparus trigonus obtained from trawl fishermen operating off Queensland’s east coast, Australia. The smallest mature female lobster measured 59.8 mm CL, however, 50% maturity was reached between 80 and 85 mm CL. Brood fecundity (BF) was size dependent and ranged between 19,287 and 100,671 eggs in 32 females from 59.8 to 104.3 mm CL. The relationship was best described by the power equation BF = 0.1107*CL to the power of 2.9241 (r to the power of 2 = 0:74). Egg size ranged from 0.96 to 1.12 mm in diameter (mean = 1:02 (+or-) 0:01 mm). Egg weight and size were independent of lobster size. Length frequencies displayed multi-modal distributions.The percentage of female to male lobsters was relatively stable for small size classes (30 to 70 mm CL; 50.0 to 63.6% females), but female proportions rose markedly between 75 and 90 mm (72.2 to 85.4%) suggesting that at the onset of sexual maturity female growth rates are reduced. In size classes greater than 95 mm, males were numerically dominant. A description of the L. trigonus fishery in Queensland is also detailed.

En sjukdom af högst elakt släckte : Återfallsfebern på Sveaborg och i Karlskrona 1788-1790

Sommaren 1788 drabbades den svenska flottan av en svårartad febersjukdom. Febern, som senare definierats som febris recurrens el. återfallsfeber, hade sitt ursprung i den ryska flottan. Besättningen ombord skeppet Vladislav, krigsbytet från slaget vid Hogland, bar på ett stort antal smittade klädlöss. Efter flottans ankomst till Sveaborg spred sig sjukdomen snabbt bland manskapet, men även bland fästningens garnison. Förhållandena inom militären, både inom lantarmén och framför allt inom flottan, var gynnsamma för epidemiers spridning. De trånga utrymmena, den ensidiga kosten, det undermåliga dricksvattnet, den bristande hygienen: allt gynnade uppkomsten och spridningen av olika epidemier. Manskapets försämrade allmäntillstånd gjorde, att sjukdomarna blev mera förödande än vad de i andra förhållanden skulle ha varit. Bristen på manskap och material under Gustav III:s ryska krig var enormt, bl.a. var bristen på medicinsk personal och -utrustning skriande. Då flottan och armén drabbades av en epidemi av katastrofala dimensioner stod myndigheterna hjälplösa. Epidemin visaqr tydligt hur illa förberett hela kriget var och hur misskött flottans sjukvård var. På Sveaborg var förhållandena fruktansvärda. Halva garnisonen uppges ha avlidit, och det låg travar av lik överallt. Kaserner m.fl. byggnader adapterades till provisoriska lasarett och det rådde brist på allt. De medicinska myndigheterna representerades av den till fästningen skickade andra fältläkaren, som tillsammans med läkarna på fästningen gjorde sitt bästa i enlighet med tidens vårdmetoder. Då den svenska örlogsflottan i november seglat över tilll Karlskrona spred sig epidemin i staden. Sjukdomen grasserade också bland de civila. Då sjukdomens orsak och utbredningssätt var okända, kunde man varken hindra epidemin från att spridas eller genomföra adekvata vårdmetoder. Tvärtom, med de hemförlovade båtsmännen spred sig sjukdomen även till de övriga delarna av riket. Under 1789 var flottan p.g.a. de många sjukdomsfallen närmast operationsoduglig. Under vårvintern och våren 1790 avtog epidemin. Epidemin var ett svårt medicinskt problem. För att utreda situationen i Karlskrona skickade den tillförordnade regeringen, utredningskommissionen och Collegium medicum sina egna representanter till staden. De olika läkarnas sjukdomssyner grundade sig främst på tron om sjukdomars uppkomst genom miasma och förbättrandet av luftkvaliteten sågs som en väsentlig vårdform. I arbetet jämförs de olika myndigheternas och några av de på platsen varande läkarnas syn på sjukdomens art, dess orsaker och ursprung. De flesta härleder sjukdomen till den ryska flottan, och nämner någon form av smitta. Som främsta sjukdomsorsak nämns dock miasma och de rekommenderade vårdformerna representerade den humoralpatologiska synen. Förste amiralitetsläkaren Arvid Faxe representerar dock en annan åsikt, i det att han enbart tror på sjukdomens överföring via smitta. Epidemin var också ett politiskt problem. Epidemin var en lokal angelägenhet ända till dess att flottans operationer hämmades av manskapsbristen, varefter den blev ett ärende på högsta nivå. Kungen ingrep sommaren 1789 genom att grunda en kommision med rätt vidsträckta befogenheter. I Karlskrona verkar de militära myndigheterna och läkarna ha misstrott och skuldsatt varandra för katastrofen, och förhållandet mellan de till staden sända utredarna och militärerna var likaså inflammerat. Genom källorna återspeglas rivalitet, avund och inbördes konkurrens. Personalbristen var svår, och den skyldiga söktes utanför den egna kretsen. Den danskfödde apotekaren med sina påstott otjänliga mediciner blev en ypperlig syndabock. Örlogsflottan beräknas i sjukdomar ha förlorat omkring 10.000 man i döda, huvudsakligen i Karlskrona (civila inberäknade). Armén och Skärgårdsflottan uppges likadeles ha mist omkring 10.000 man, medan antalet i strid stupade armésoldater endast var ca 1500. Sammanlagt antas alltså ca 20.000 människor ha mist livet; både i återfallsfeber, men även i andra, samtidigt grasserande farsoter. I denna siffra är inte de övriga delarna av riket inberäknade. Epidemin i fråga kan alltså på goda grunder anses vara det svenska 1700-talets största medicinska katastrof.

Genetic population structure of red snappers (Lutjanus malabaricus Bloch & Schneider, 1801 and Lutjanus erythropterus Bloch, 1790) in central and eastern Indonesia and northern Australia

The genetic population structure of red snapper Lutjanus malabaricus and Lutjanus erythropterus in eastern Indonesia and northern Australia was investigated by allozyme electrophoresis and sequence variation in the control region of mtDNA. Samples were collected from eight sites in Indonesia and four sites in northern Australia for both species. A total of 13 allozyme loci were scored. More variable loci were observed in L. malabaricus than in L. erythropterus. Sequence variation in the control region (left domain) of the mitochondrial genome was assessed by RFLP and direct sequencing. MtDNA haplotype diversity was high (L. erythropterus, 0.95 and L. malabaricus, 0.97), as was intraspecific sequence divergence, (L. erythropterus, 0.0-12.5% and L. malabaricus, 0.0-9.5%). The pattern of mtDNA haplotype frequencies grouped both species into two broad fisheries stocks with a genetic boundary either between Kupang and Sape (L. malabaricus) or between Kupang and Australian Timor Sea (L. erythropertus). The allozyme analyses revealed similar boundaries for L. erythropterus. Seven allozymes stocks compared to two mtDNA stocks of L. malabaricus including Ambon, which was not sampled with mtDNA, however, were reported. Possible reasons for differences in discrimination between the methods include: i) increased power of multiple allozyme loci over the single mtDNA locus, ii) insufficient gene sampling in the mtDNA control region and iii) relative evolutionary dynamics of nuclear (allozyme loci) and mitochondrial DNA in these taxa. Allozyme and haplotype data did not distinguish separate stocks among the four Australian locations nor the central Indonesian (Bali and Sape locations) for both L. malabaricus and L. erythropterus.

Familienerinnerungen. Ein Fragment 1790-1913

History of the family of Isak Mirabeau (born 1840); his maternal grandfather Isak Henle was the first Jew to receive civic rights in Hall (Wuerttemberg); his paternal grandfather came from Olnhausen (Wuerttemberg); he was a hops and wool merchant; he became wealthy as a supplier for the French army, and entered the banking business; notes on Jewish history in 19th century Wuerttemberg; contains also instructions to his son for the case of his death (does not have to say kaddish).

Letter to M. L. M. Peixotto, May 9, 1824 and Rachel Pinto's tombstone inscription

Digital image

Ystävä sä lapsien : Lasten virret ja hengelliset laulut suomenkielisissä kokoelmissa 1824-1938 ja niiden vaikutus vuoden 1938 virsikirjaan

Ystävä sä lapsien. Collections of Finnish language children s hymns and spiritual songs from 1824─1938 and their influence on the Hymnal 1938. The Hymnal has been the common song book of Lutheran parishes since the 1500s. In the beginning, the congregations sang the hymns from memory led by the choir or the church musician. The fundamentals of Christian faith are taught through the hymns, both in church and in family devotions. The Hymnal was the only song book of the church in Finland until the end of the 1800s. This study attempts to clarify when and by who were spiritual songs and hymns for children written in Finland. Research materials used were all the books I could find (approximately 200), whose headings were for pupils and young children in the home and school circles. The method of study is historical and analytical. In the first chapter, it is explained that children s literature in Finland differentiated from other literature at the end of the 1700s. Eric Juvelius published a small prayer book in 1781 with the prayer Gud, som hafver barnen kär / Jumala joka Lapsia rakasta. From that, after many Finnish translations, the first verse of the hymn Ystävä sä lapsien took shape. The second chapter considers singing instruction in the folk school from the beginning of the 1860s. Textbooks, including songbooks, were produced for the pupils. Some of the first pioneers in producing these materials were the teachers P.J. Hannikainen, Sofie Lithenius, Mikael Nyberg, Anton Rikström and Aksel Törnudd, as well as Hilja Haahti, Immi Hellén and Alli Nissinen, who were all teachers gifted in writing poetry. Several new spiritual songs appeared in the folk school songbooks. Hymns were sung often, especially in connection with church year celebrations. Children s songs in Christian education are discussed in the third chapter. The Lutheran Evangelical Association of Finland recognized children already in its early song collections. The illustrative teaching methods in the folk school influenced the Sunday school activities and especially the Sunday school hymns. Hymns introduced as exclusively for children and pupils which appear in the Hymnal from 1886 and the supplement to the 1923 Hymnal are explored in the fourth and fifth chapters. The study shows that the renewal of church life at the beginning of the 1900s also resulted in an increase of the number of spiritual songs for children. This is also seen in the diverse choice of songs in the supplementary materials from 1923. The final chapter deals with the School and Childhood section of the 1938 Hymnal. The Hymnal committee did not think that the already well known folk school and Sunday school songs received enough attention in the Hymnal. Those songs were, among others, Kautta tyynen, vienon yön, Oi, katsopa lintua oksalla puun, Olen Luojani pikku varpunen, Rakas Isä taivahan ja Tuolla keinuu pieni pursi. Heikki Klemetti, Ilmari Krohn, Armas Maasalo and Aarni Voipio influenced the opinion that the spiritual songs still were not suitable to be sung in church. Hymns for children and pupils were brought into the same line as the entire Hymnal. The same hymn tunes, which were mainly old ones, were used as common settings for numerous hymn texts. No special type of melody emerged for the children s hymns. It was still notable that hymns for children and pupils were collected at all. In addition, the Hymnal committee marked those verses suggested for singing in both the folk school and Sunday school with an asterisk (*) throughout the entire Hymnal.

Control microbial del picudo negro Cosmopolites sordidus, (Germar, 1824) usando hongos entomopatógenos Beauveria bassiana (Bals vuill) y Metarhizum anisopliae (Metsch sorokin) en el cultivo de plátano

El presente estudio se llevó a cabo desde Julio de 1996 a Marzo de 1997, con el objetivo de determinar el efecto de las aplicaciones de Beauveria bassíana (Bals) vuill y Metarhízíum anisopliae (Metsch) sorokin en diferentes momentos sobre la dinámica poblacional de picudo negro, Cosmopolites sordídus (Germar 1824) dichos hongos fueron aplicados en suspención acuosa y en trampas de pseudotallos de plátano, variedad "Cuerno". Los tratamientos evaluados fueron: 1) aplicación de Beauveria bassiana:. 2) aplicación con Metarhizium anisopliae: 3) Trampas+ aplicación de B. bassiana: 4) trampas+ aplicación de M. anisopliae: 5) Control físico. Eliminación manual de las poblaciones de adultos de picudo capturado por medio de trampas. 6) Testigo. No se realizó ningún tipo de control especial. En los resultados obtenidos se determinó que no hay diferencias estadísticas significativas entra los tratamientos aplicados Al mismo tiempo se determinó que los tratamientos evaluados no redujeron el número de picudo negro y el nivel de daño presente en la plantación. Se logró determinar que la plantación esta siendo afectada por C. Sordidus asociado con nemátodos ; los que debilitan la planta provocando mayor caída de las misma.

La política en Buenos Aires y el liderazgo de Simón Bolívar en tiempos de la construcción estatal sudamericana : la opción bolivariana en el conflicto por la soberanía en la Banda Oriental (1824-1828)

Resumen: El propósito del artículo es analizar el acercamiento diplomático de Buenos Aires con Simón Bolívar para sumar fuerzas en el conflicto con Brasil por la soberanía en la Banda Oriental. Intentaremos mostrar por qué intereses políticos Buenos Aires; fuera dominada por la facción “unitaria” o “federal”, y Bolívar; empeñado en liderar la organización nacional de Colombia, Perú y Bolivia, no formalizaron un acuerdo diplomático/militar en el contexto de la creación de los Estados de Bolivia y Uruguay durante el período de 1824-1828. Procuramos la inteligibilidad, interpretación y explicación de la cuestión mediante el análisis de fuentes de información histórica que reflejan la agenda pública de Buenos Aires, y las prioridades políticas de Bolívar en el espacio temporal que nos ocupa.

A história que fizemos : depoimentos de servidores nos 10 anos do Ecocâmara

Apresenta depoimentos de servidores que ajudaram a implantar a gestão ambiental da Câmara dos Deputados.

História constitucional brasileira : mudança constitucional, autoritarismo e democracia no Brasil pós-1964

Apresenta, com detalhes, aspectos históricos do constitucionalismo contemporâneo brasileiro. Partindo do período pós-1964, quando diversos processos de reforma ou ruptura alteraram as regras relativas a mudanças constitucionais, é apresentado um desenho dos principais instrumentos jurídicos utilizados pelo regime militar a fim de garantir a sua hegemonia política e jurídica. A análise passa pelo processo constituinte de 1987-1988, para verificar em que medida se rompeu com o paradigma instaurado pela ditadura, e investiga as principais tentativas de, sob a vigência da nova Carta Magna, alterar o processo de reforma constitucional.