Between a demonstrative and an article. The status of "in" in Old Swedish

The definite article in the Modern Nordic languages is a suffix, etymologically related to a demonstrative. The form is not attested in runic inscriptions, the oldest linguistic sources, but first appears in Icelandic sagas as well as in Swedish and Danish legal codices from 13th century onwards. However, in these texts it does not appear with the same regularity as in modern languages. The Old Swedish form constitutes an intermediate form between a demonstrative, from which it is derived, and the article it has become in Modern Swedish. In the oldest texts it appears in contexts where demonstratives can only be found sporadically and its form suggests it no longer is a demonstrative. At the same time it is not yet obligatory. The aim of this paper is to show the grammaticalization of the definite article as a gradual, dynamic process, involving changes in the form and functional scope of the grammaticalizing item and to consider the properties of the Old Swedish form -in, derived from the distal demonstrative hin ‘that’.

Cappadocia: where Greek prepositions come to die

The Cappadocian variety of Ulaghátsh is unique among the Greek-speaking world in having lost the inherited preposition ‘se’. The innovation is found with both locative and allative uses and has af-ected both syntactic contexts in which ‘se’ was originally found, that is, as a simple preposition (1) and as the left-occurring member of circumpositions of the type ‘se’ + NP + spatial adverb (2). (1) a. tránse ci [to meidán] en ávʝa see.PST.3SG COMP ART.DEF.SG.ACC yard.SG.ACC COP.3 game.PL.NOM ‘he saw that in the yard is some game’ (Dawkins 1916: 348) b. ta erʝó da qardáʃa évɣan [to qonáq] ART.DEF.PL.NOM two ART.DEF.PL.NOM friend.PL.NOM ascend.PST.3PL ART.DEF.SG.ACC house.SG.ACC ‘the two friends went up to the house’ (Dawkins 1916: 354) (2) émi [ta qonáca mésa], kiríʃde [to ʝasdɯ́q píso] enter.PST.3SG ART.DEF.PL.NOM house.PL.ACC inside hide.PST.3SG. ART.DEF.SG.ACC cushion.SG.ACC behind ‘he went into the houses and hid behind the cushions’ (Dawkins 1916: 348) In this paper, we set out to provide (a) a diachronic account of the loss of ‘se’ in Asia Minor Greek, and (b) a synchronic analysis of its ramifications for the encoding of the semantic and grammatical functions it had prior to its loss. The diachronic development of ‘se’ is traced by comparing the Ulaghátsh data with those obtained from Cappadocian varieties that have neither lost it nor do they show signs of losing it and, crucially, also from varieties in which ‘se’ is in the process of being lost. The comparative analysis shows that the loss first became manifest in circumpositions in which ‘se’ was preposed to the complement to which in turn a wide range of adverbs expressing topological relations were postposed (émi sa qonáca mésa > émi ta qonáca mésa). This finding is accounted for in terms of Sinha and Kuteva’s (1995) distributed spatial semantics framework, which accepts that the elements involved in the constructions under investigation—the verb (émi), ‘se’ and the spatial adverb (mésa)—all contribute to the expression of the spatial relational meaning but with differences in weighting. Of the three, ‘eis’ made the most minimal contribution, the bulk of it being distributed over the verb and the adverb. This allowed for it to be optionally dropped from circumpositions, a stage attested in Phlo-tá Cappadocian and Silliot, and to be later completely abandoned, originally in allative and subsequently in locative contexts (earlier: évɣan so qonáq > évɣan to qonáq; later: so meidán en ávʝa > to meidán en ávʝa). The earlier loss in allative contexts is also dealt with in distributed semantics terms as verbs of motion such as έβγαν are semantically more loaded than vacuous verbs like the copula and therefore the preposition could be left out in the former context more easily than in the latter. The analysis also addresses the possibility that the loss of ‘se’ may ultimately originate in substandard forms of Medieval Greek, which according to Tachibana (1994) displayed SPATIAL ADVERB + NP constructions. Applying the semantic map model (Croft 2003, Haspelmath 2003), the synchronic analysis of the varieties that retain ‘se’ reveals that—like many other allative markers crosslinguistically—it displays a pattern of multifunctionality in expressing nine different functions (among others allative, locative, recipient, addressee, experiencer), which can be mapped against four domains, viz. the spatiotemporal, the social, the mental and the logicotextual (cf. Rice & Kabata 2007). In Ulaghátsh Cappadocian, none of these functions is overtly marked as such. In cases like (1), the intended spatial relational meaning is arrived at through the combination of the syntax and the inherent semantics of the verb and the zero-marked NP as well as from the context. In environments of the type exemplified by (2), the adverb contributes further to the correct interpretation. The analysis additionally shows that, despite the loss of ‘se’, Ulaghátsh patterns with all other Cappadocian varieties in one important aspect: Goal and Location are expressed similarly (by zero in Ulaghátsh, by ‘se’ in the other varieties) whereas Source is being kept distinct (expressed by ‘apó’ in all varieties). Goal-Location polysemy is very common across the world’s languages and, most crucially, prevails over other possible polysemies in the tripartite distinction Source—Location—Goal (Lestrade 2010, Nikitina 2009). Taking into account this empirical observation, our findings suggest that the reor-anisation of spatial systems can have a local effect—in our case the loss of a member of the prepositional paradigm—but will keep the original global picture intact, thus conforming to crosslinguistically robust tendencies.  References Croft, W. 2001. Radical Construction Grammar: Syntactic Theory in Typological Perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dawkins, R. M. 1916. Modern Greek in Asia Minor: A Study of the Dialects of Sílli, Cappadocia and Phárasa with Grammar, Texts, Translations and Glossary. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Haspelmath, M. 2003. The geometry of grammatical meaning: semantic maps and cross-linguistic comparison. In M. Tomasello (Ed.), The New Psychology of Language, Volume 2. New York: Erlbaum, 211–243. Lestrade, S. 2010. The Space of Case. Doctoral dissertation. Radboud University Nijmegen. Nikitina, T. 2009. Subcategorization pattern and lexical meaning of motion verbs: a study of the source/goal ambiguity. Linguistics 47, 1113–1141. Rice, S. & K. Kabata. 2007. Cross-linguistic grammaticalization patterns of the allative. Linguistic Typology 11, 451–514. Sinha, C. & T. Kuteva. 1995. Distributed spatial semantics. Nordic Journal of Linguistics 18:2, 167–199. Tachibana, T. 1994. Syntactic structure of spatial expressions in the “Late Byzantine Prose Alexander Romance”. Propylaia 6, 35–51.

Alright: a distinctive pathway of change from the 18th century to the present day

The origins of the vast majority of the words we use in contemporary English go back as far as Old or Middle English. In contrast, alright and all right in their present-day application appear to be the result of a more recent evolution, as there is no evidence of their use, not even in the two-word form, in the published fiction before the 18th century. Furthermore, there are not in the research literature, at least to my knowledge, any previous linguistic studies on this specific subject matter. The present article is simply an attempt to describe the various processes of diachronic change that brought about the emergence of alright.

Procedural Meaning Explicatures in the Development of New Subordination Strategies in Romance

The sociocultural changes that led to the genesis of Romance languages widened the gap between oral and written patterns, which display different discoursive and linguistic devices. In early documents, discoursive implicatures connecting propositions were not generally codified, so that the reader should furnish the correct interpretation according to his own perception of real facts; which can still be attested in current oral utterances. Once Romance languages had undergone several levelling processes which concluded in the first standardizations, implicatures became explicatures and were syntactically codified by means of univocal new complex conjunctions. As a consequence of the emergence of these new subordination strategies, a freer distribution of the information conveyed by the utterances is allowed. The success of complex structural patterns ran alongside of the genesis of new narrative genres and the generalization of a learned rhetoric. Both facts are a spontaneous effect of new approaches to the act of reading. Ancient texts were written to be read to a wide audience, whereas those printed by the end of the XV th century were conceived to be read quietly, in a low voice, by a private reader. The goal of this paper is twofold, since we will show that: a) The development of new complex conjunctions through the history of Romance languages accommodates to four structural patterns that range from parataxis to hypotaxis. b) This development is a reflex of the well known grammaticalization path from discourse to syntax that implies the codification of discoursive strategies (Givón 2 1979, Sperber and Wilson 1986, Carston 1988, Grice 1989, Bach 1994, Blackemore 2002, among others]

L'ús dels clítics pronominals del català i la seva adquisició per parlants de romanès i de tagal

The thesis L’ús dels clítics pronominals del català i la seva adquisició per parlants de romanès i de tagal [The use of pronominal clitics in Catalan and their acquisition by Romanian and Tagalog speakers] analyzes the mechanisms of transfer from the L1 in the process of acquisition of Catalan (L2) in two groups of learners, one of which has Romanian and the other Tagalog as their native language. Our study lends support to the idea of transfer from the L1 to a second language in general, and, in particular, within the process of acquisition of pronominal clitics from a Romance language (Catalan). The results show that the differences between the two groups are statistically significant and are attributable to the characteristics of the L1. Moreover, starting from a detailed description of the grammar of pronominal clitics in the three languages involved, we define the specific grammatical aspects of the Tagalog and Romanian languages that can have an influence on certain productions and on certain errors in the use of pronominal clitics in Catalan, within the process of acquisition of this Romance language as L2. In the theoretical domain, we started from studies on functional markedness to determine four reference terms that allowed us to carry out a systematized study of the difficulties in acquisition of the use of Catalan clitic pronouns according to their complexity and their degree of grammaticalization.

Alternância no uso dos modos indicativo e subjuntivo em orações subordinadas substantivas: uma comparação entre o português do Brasil e o francês do Canadá

The purpose of this work is to analyze the use of the indicative mood, instead of the subjunctive prescribed by the normative grammar, in complement clauses introduced by the conjunction que in Brazilian Portuguese. Contexts of use of the subjunctive according to grammatical prescription, and contexts of fluctuation on the use of that verbal mood were analyzed, in an attempt to investigate what interferes on the choice of the mood by the user of the language. This study is based on North-American Functional Linguistics theoretical perspective, oriented to analyzing language in use, in the light of the principles of grammaticalization and markedness. The results obtained support that the contexts that favor the indicative over the subjunctive are those composed by a complement clause functioning as a direct object the unmarked clause of all complement clauses and by a verb on the main sentence that belongs to the semantic field of low certainty, corresponding to the epistemic sub-mode the unmarked category of the deontic sub-mode. The results indicate that pragmatics and semantics factors influence the language user on the choice of the verbal mood. This research also presents comparative data on the use of the indicative mood in place of the subjunctive in Brazilian Portuguese and Canadian French, aiming to providing suggestions on language teaching

Aí marcador de especificidade de SN indefinidos: um estudo funcionalista com implicações para o ensino

This body of work aims to describe and analyze the behavior of the Aí specificity marker of indefinite Noun Phrases (NP), one of the many functions this linguistic item is developing in contemporary Brazilian Portuguese. From the Functional Linguistic theory perspective, the North American declivity, this project intends to outline the possible grammaticalization trajectory taken by the Aí specificity marker. It will be followed from its function as a spatial deitic up to its integration of indefinite NP, and the action of the fundamental principles of the theory, such as iconicity and informativity, will be observed on the use of this item. Following this, Aí specificity marker behavior will be described in respect to various linguistic and social factors: type of text where the occurrence is encountered, language modality in which the latter is produced, syntactic function developed by the NP specified by Aí , the existence or lack of material intervening between Aí and the NP nuclear noun, informational status of the NP adjugated to Aí , and finally, sex, education and age of the speaker. The occurrence of conversational implicatures will also be verified (GRICE, 1982) within the contexts of Aí specificity marker use. Reflections on the teaching of grammar will be made, as well as on the possibility and validity of working with noun phrase specificity markers in elementary and high school Portuguese language classes. The data used in this research project stem from Corpus Discurso & Gramática A língua falada e escrita na cidade do Natal (FURTADO DA CUNHA, 1998), and from Corpus Discurso & Gramática A língua falada e escrita na cidade do Rio de Janeiro (VOTRE; OLIVEIRA, 1995)

Conectores adversativos na fala do natalense: uma análise funcionalista com implicações para o ensino

This work analyzes the behavior of the adversative connectors in the speech of the user of Natal, with views to suggest implications for the grammar teaching in the high school Portuguese languages classes. It is an investigation that sits on the functionalist paradigm, specifically in the protected ideas for Givón. For so much, data of situations of speech from the corpus Discurso e gramática lingual falada e escrita da cidade do Natal (FURTADO DA CUNHA, 1998). The sample embraces a total of forty interviews, of which the occurrences are cut out whose registrations mark the existence of adversatives constructions in narratives of personal experience and in the opinion reports, modality of oral language, of the mentioned database. The work revisits authors of the grammar, Cunha (1986); Bechara (2006); Perini (2006), among others; authors that contemplate referring approaches to the use of opposition connectors as: Barreto (1999); Tavares (2003); Longhin (2003); Silva (2005); Rocha (2006); Neves (2000, 2006). The results of the panoramic analysis reveal as adversity connectors in use for the habitant of Natal, for recurrence order, the mas, e, aí, agora, só que, no entanto and já. Analyzed the results, the same ones are compared with the treatment presented by the traditional grammar, with application of functional iconicity principle, markdness principle and the prototype of the category is chosen. In the differentiated analysis of the item " agora ", structural profile of the constructions is analyzed that involve the item, semantic profile, times, manners and aspects of the verbs that they wrap up in the constructions in reference, trajectory of grammaticalization and comparison with the prototype of the category. Finally, they are suggested implications of whole the study for the teaching of Portuguese language, in the high school classes

Indícios sincrônicos de gramaticalização: o uso do verbo chegar em orações coordenadas e na perífrase verbal [chegar (e) + v2]: contribuições para o ensino de gramática.

Based on North American Functional Linguistic Theory, our proposal is to describe and analyze the use of verb CHEGAR in verbal periphrasis such as [CHEGAR (E) + V2], where CHEGAR does not demonstrate a significance linked to physical movement. In linguistic literature, such periphrasis has been attributed several functions, related to aspectualization, emphasis of negative segments, and construction of mental spaces, among others. This study considers that the function of verb CHEGAR in the periphrasis in question is to indicate a global aspect, emphasizing a range of semantic-pragmatic nuances such as the sudden, instantaneous, or even abrupt character of the events refered to by the principal verb of the construction (V2), and/or the taking of initiative (sudden) by the agent (in the syntactic role of periphrastic subject), and/or subjective evaluations which go from surprise to frustration. Our objectives are the following: i) to describe and analyze the semanticpragmatic, morphosyntactic and social relationships which characterize the use of CHEGAR in verbal periphrases like [CHEGAR (E) + V2] and in coordinated/juxtaposed speech in which CHEGAR is the principal verb of the first utterance and is an elocution verb and the principal verb of the second; ii) identify, based on this description and analysis, synchrony proof in the grammaticalization of CHEGAR as an auxiliary verb in the periphrasis refered to. There was observed to be a strong similarity between coordinate/juxtaposed and periphrastic constructions. Such similarities strengthen the hypothesis that the use of CHEGAR as a lexical verb in coordinate/juxtaposed structures is the origin of the use of CHEGAR in the periphrastic structure, since the many properties encountered with higher frequency in lexical use are also just as frequently used as auxiliaries. Nevertheless, between the two constructions being studied, sufficient difference can be observed to see that CHEGAR, in the periphrasis [CHEGAR (E) V2], is behaving like an auxiliary verb, and shows typical properties of these types of verbs: i) in 100% of occurrences, it does not have a complement;ii) it has a co-referential subject in 100% of cases; iii) it does not appear with intervening material between it and V2. Besides this, CHEGAR, in periphrases, is predominant in nonneutral evaluation contexts, denoted by V2. Inspired by the results obtained, we propose strategies for the discussion of the [CHEGAR (E) V2] periphrases in both elementary and high schools.

Variação, mudança e ensino: o caso dos pronomes possessivos da gente e nosso(a)(s) em uma abordagem sociofuncionalista

In this work, we analyze the variation and change phenomenon involving the possessive pronouns da gente and nosso(a)(s) in the light of the theoretical referentials of the North-american linguistic functionalism and of the variationist sociolinguistics. At first we present the phenomenon itself, highlighting the fact that few studies have considered it as an object, gap which we will try to fill in with our contribution. In the following chapter, we emphasize concepts and principles of the functionalism and the sociolinguistics that are used as our background for the data analysis. In the third chapter, we present what the normative grammars inform about our object of study, besides synthesizing some works on variation and change involving the personal pronouns nós and a gente. In the following chapter, we analyze the data. We used data from the Discurso & Gramática a língua falada e escrita na cidade do Natal (FURTADO DA CUNHA, 1998) corpus. In this chapter we present the results for the groups of social and linguistic factors which we can control. Grounded on these results, we specify the preferential contexts for employing the pronouns da gente and nosso(a)(s) and we observe that the social motivations, the valorization credited to the forms and the identity marks underly the restrictions exercised in their use by social factor groups, besides obtaining signs of ongoing changes in apparent time (from the age factor groups) and possible use specializations of each form, what helped us verify the course of the grammaticalization process of the referred pronouns in the community of Natal. In the sixth chapter, we make some considerations on the teaching of grammar and propose activities which can be carried on in the classroom involving the possessive pronouns da gente and nosso(a)(s) considering the variation and change issue

Vou estar fazendo ... um estudo funcionalista de uma (nova) forma perifrástica de futuro

The work in evidence analyzes the use in the ways periphasis of gerund - FPG - (to go+to be+gerund) in the speech (gender class) of the teachers of Natal, Caicó and Serra Negra do Norte, potiguares cities. For that, she opted to constitute corpus, once the data found in other corpora they were inexpressive for the research. The study tries to elucidate the reasons that take the speaker to use a form of larger future in detriment of the more it tans; it investigates as it feels the manifestation of the grammaticalization and demarcation - beginnings givonianos. Besides Givón (1979, 1984, 1990, 1995 e 2001), other authors served as light: Cunha (1986); Bechara (2007); Cunha and Cintra (2007); Perini (2006); Neves (2000, 2006) Silva (2005); Furtado da Cunha and Tavares (2007); Gibbon (2000); Torres (2009). After the study, the results that point the appearance in a new way of future expression emerged, marked and with tendency the grammaticalization

Estratégias de relativização no português brasileiro e implicações para o ensino: o caso das cortadoras

This work consists of a cognitive-functional approach of relativization strategies of Brazilian Portuguese (BP), this is, standard relatives (with preposition or without it) and non-standard relatives (copiadora and the deletion pattern), and it emphasizes the last one. We investigate the use of the relative construction strategies in spoken and written texts produced by speakers from different school levels in a specific situation: a face-to-face interviewing. Our database is the corpora Discurso & Gramática: a língua falada e escrita na cidade do Natal e a língua falada e escrita na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. We contrast the use of the standard relative to the deletion pattern in prepositional context, by considering cognitive, social and interactional motivations for the use of the deletion pattern instead of the standard one. Our research leads us to verify that the deletion pattern is fixing as the preferred relativization strategy in prepositional contexts, and, in this way, it brings out a grammaticalization process in working. For this reason, we propose to take this relative construction as a common way to structure a relative clause, in the same way we take the standard pattern. Finally, we discuss the treatment of questions related to the processes of teaching and learning of Portuguese language and some suggestions are given in terms of class activities. We expect that the development of this research may give both support for the Portuguese teachers and suggestions to improve the teaching and learning process of Portuguese language, contributing in special to the treatment of the syntax of complex clauses.

Conectores sequenciadores e e aí em contos e narrativas de experiência pessoal escritos por alunos de ensino fundamental: uma abordagem sociofuncionalista

In this dissertation, based on two theoretical frameworks, American functionalism and variationist sociolinguistics, I take as subject the sequence connectors E and AÍ, which has the grammatical function of indicating retroactive-propeller sequenciation of information. I analyze the variable use of these connectors in texts written by students from two public schools in the city of Natal, RN, attending at the time of data collection (the year 2012), two distinct levels of basic education: the sixth and the ninth year. The students who contributed to this research wrote, as part of their activities in the classroom, texts of two narrative genres: narrative of personal experience (non-fictional) and short story (fictional). In addition, these students and their Portuguese teachers answered a test of linguistic attitude in which they gave their opinions regarding the appropriateness of the use of connectors E and AÍ in contexts of speech and writing marked by distinct degrees of formality. The results obtained by means of quantitative analysis showed different tendencies of linguistic, social and stylistic distribution of connectors E and AÍ in the narrative texts written by the students. I related these results to the action of two principles: the principle of persistence, linked to the process of change by grammaticalization, and the principle of stylistic markedness. Besides, I took into account the answers provided by students and teachers to the test of linguistic attitude for refine the interpretation of the results

AI, LA, ALI e AQUI: gramaticalização de um paradigma emergente no domínio funcional da especificação nominal

In the light of the Functional Linguistic Theory, in its North-American version (HOPPER, 1987, 1991, 1998, 2008, 2010; GIVÓN, 2001; LEHMANN, 2002; HOPPER; TRAUGOTT, 2003; FURTADO DA CUNHA; OLIVEIRA; MARTELOTTA, 2003, among others), the general objective of this research is to demonstrate, based on morphosyntactic and semantic-pragmatic properties, that AQUI (HERE), AÍ, ALI and LÁ (THERE) are part of an emerging paradigm in Brazilian Portuguese recently constituted and still developing of forms indicating specificity in indefinite noun phrases (NP). The data that make up the corpus of this research were collected in the following large Brazilian oral corpora: the Corpus Discurso & Gramática: a língua falada e escrita na cidade de Natal (FURTADO DA CUNHA, 1998), the Banco Conversacional de Natal (FURTADO DA CUNHA, 2010), the Projeto Variação Linguística no Estado da Paraíba VALPB (HORA, 2005) and the Projeto Variação Linguística Urbana na Região Sul do Brasil VARSUL (VANDRESEN, 2002). Firstly, the behavior of the specificity markings AQUI, AÍ, ALI and LÁ is described with respect to many factors of morphosyntactic and semantic-pragmatic nature: type of construction in which the markers appeared; existence or not of intervening material between the specificity marker item and the NP s nuclear noun; type of noun to which AQUI, AÍ, ALI and LÁ are linked; syntactic function of the specified SN; informational status of the NP to which the specificity markers AQUI, AÍ, ALI and LÁ are attached; occurrence of conversational implicatures (GRICE, 1982) in the context of use of these specificity markers. Next, a possible grammaticalization trajectory is outlined, according to which AQUI, AÍ, ALI and LÁ would had gone from an early spatial deictic indication to the specificity indication. The results point to the existence of forms with varying degree of emergence in this new paradigm of nominal specification, with AÍ being, probably, the item most grammaticalized, followed by LÁ, then ALI and AQUI, which permanence in the paradigm do not yet appear to be consolidated

História de uma completiva: origem e desenvolvimento do complemento oracional introduzido por se do português

O propósito deste trabalho é investigar o percurso histórico da oração completiva iniciada pela conjunção se do português, que também introduz, nessa e em outras línguas românicas, uma oração adverbial condicional. Com base em registros de filólogos e romanistas, demonstra-se que a similaridade existente entre essas orações é resultado de gramaticalização da oração condicional que, no latim, passou a funcionar como oração completiva, em razão da extinção das partículas interrogativas que passaram a ser substituídas pela conjunção condicional latina si. Como oração completiva, a oração com se submete-se à gramaticalização, integrando-se à oração matriz de um modo que, conforme proposta de Hopper e Traugott (1993) e de Lehmann (1988), é próprio a construções completivas. A forma que tem essa oração de se gramaticalizar, incorporando-se à oração matriz, é, entretanto, diferente do que é previsto ocorrer a uma completiva introduzida por que, uma diferença que se deve, sobretudo, ao significado hipotético que a completiva com se preserva de sua fonte histórica. Demonstra-se, por fim, que, do português arcaico ao português contemporâneo, a gramaticalização do complemento oracional introduzido por se não se configura em mudança diacrônica, já que essa gramaticalização é atestada desde períodos mais remotos, em textos do século XIV.