898 resultados para Fraude electoral
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This article analyses the 2010 federal election and the impact the internet and social media had on electoral law, and what this may mean for electoral law in the future. Four electoral law issues arising out of the 2010 election as a result of the internet are considered, including online enrolment, regulation of online advertising and comment, fundraising and the role of lobby groups, especially when it comes to crowdsourcing court challenges. Finally, the article offers some suggestions as to how the parliament and the courts should respond to these challenges.
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We establish an argument for fiscal restraints which is based on the idea that politicians are experts in the meaning of the credence good literature. A budget maximizing politician is better informed than the electorate about the necessary spending to ensure the states ability to provide services for the economy. Voters, being able to observe the budget but not the necessary level of spending, attenuate the government’s spending level via electoral control. A fiscal restraint limits the maximum spending a government will choose if the level of spending ensuring the politicians reelection is not sufficient to ensure the state’s ability to provide services to the economy. We determine when such a fiscal restraint improves voter welfare and discuss the role of the opposition in situations where very high levels of spending are required.
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All elections are unique, but the Australian federal election of 2010 was unusual for many reasons. It came in the wake of the unprecedented ousting of the Prime Minister who had led the Australian Labor Party to a landslide victory, after eleven years in opposition, at the previous election in 2007. In a move that to many would have been unthinkable, Kevin Rudd’s increasing unpopularity within his own parliamentary party finally took its toll and in late June he was replaced by his deputy, Julia Gillard. Thus the second unusual feature of the election was that it was contested by Australia’s first female prime minister. The third unusual feature was that the election almost saw a first-term government, with a comfortable majority, defeated. Instead it resulted in a hung parliament, for the first time since 1940, and Labor scraped back into power as a minority government, supported by three independents and the first member of the Australian Greens ever to be elected to the House of Representatives. The Coalition Liberal and National opposition parties themselves had a leader of only eight months standing, Tony Abbott, whose ascension to the position had surprised more than a few. This was the context for an investigation of voting behaviour in the 2010 election....
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David Brown takes a road trip to Canberra for the Roach fixture at the High Court where modernity is attempting a fight-back against the resurrection of civil death. With echoes of Hunter S Thompson as rugby league follower, the author recounts a trip to Canberra to observe a case in which Vickie Lee Roach, an Indigenous woman prisoner, challenged (successfully as it later turns out) the Howard government's 2006 legislation disenfranchising all serving prisoners.
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The relationship between age and turnout has been curve-linear as electoral participation first increases with age, remains relatively stable throughout middle-age and then gradually declines as certain physical infirmities set in (see e.g. Milbrath 1965). Alongside this life-cycle effect in voting, recent pooled cross-sectional analyses (see e.g. Blais et al. 2004; Lyons and Alexander 2000) have shown that there is also a generational effect, referring to lasting differences in turnout between various age groups. This study firstly examines the extent to which the generational effect applies in the Finnish context. Secondly, it investigates the factors accounting for that effect. The first article, based on individual-level register data from the parliamentary elections of 1999, shows that turnout differences between the different age groups would be even larger if there were no differences in social class and education. The second article examines simultaneously the effects of age, generation and period in the Finnish parliamentary elections of 1975-2003 based on pooled data from Finnish voter barometers (N = 8,634). The results show that there is a clear life cycle, generational and period effect. The third article examines the role of political socialisation in accounting for generational differences in electoral participation. Political socialisation is defined as the learning process in which an individual adopts various values, political attitudes, and patterns of actions from his or her environment. The multivariate analysis, based on the Finnish national election study 2003 (N=1,270), indicated that if there were no differences in socialisation between the youngest and the older generations, the difference in turnout would be much larger than if only sex and socioeconomic factors are controlled for. The fourth article examines other possible factors related to generational effect in voting. The results mainly apply to the Finnish parliamentary elections of 2003 in which we have data available. The results show that the sense of duty by far accounts for the generational effect in voting. Political interest, political knowledge and non-parliamentary participation also narrowed the differences in electoral participation between the youngest and the second youngest generations. The implication of the findings is that the lower turnout among the current youth is not a passing phenomenon that will diminish with age. Considering voting a civic duty and understanding the meaning of collective action are both associated with the process of political socialisation which therefore has an important role concerning the generational effect in turnout.
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El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la situación del fraude empresarial y su evolución en España, explicando a su vez las diferentes formas de defraudar más habituales en las entidades. Veremos si el fraude se ha visto condicionado por la crisis financiera actual y qué consecuencias acarrea para las entidades afectadas. Por otro lado, existe la creencia generalizada de que en España se defrauda más que en los países del norte de Europa, por razones sociológicas, culturales y educativas. Pero, ¿es este tópico cierto? ¿cuáles son las variables que determinan la ocurrencia de delitos económicos en las organizaciones? Para lograr soluciones eficaces en la lucha contra el fraude es necesario comprender previamente cuáles son las razones que lo motivan. Por ello, se prestará especial atención a los factores socioculturales que influyen en el comportamiento del defraudador, intentando calibrar la importancia de estas variables. Esto nos permitirá conocer si existe un perfil de defraudador más frecuente, y en caso afirmativo saber cuál es. Una vez analizadas las razones por las que se defrauda, se procederá a estudiar la legislación existente referida a la lucha contra el fraude a nivel nacional, y la normativa europea adoptada en España. Asimismo, se comentarán algunas de las herramientas que las sociedades españolas emplean de forma más habitual para detectar irregularidades y las medidas internas que se toman al respecto. Finalmente, se extraen una serie de conclusiones que nos permitirán avanzar en el conocimiento de la situación del fraude corporativo en España y en su prevención.
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Este trabajo analiza el fraude empresarial desde una perspectiva internacional. En los últimos años, ha estado muy presente en casos como el de Enron, WorldCom, Royal Ahold o PARMALAT, en los que se ven afectados la propia empresa, los trabajadores, el gobierno y, especialmente, los inversores, con pérdidas que pueden alcanzar millones de dólares. El fraude también afecta a la imagen de las empresas y en la motivación de los trabajadores, y además a menudo es causa de denuncias y penas de prisión. En función del tamaño de la empresa y del sector, la frecuencia con la que se cometen los actos fraudulentos y las pérdidas causadas varían. Asimismo, estos fraudes afectan a todas las regiones del mundo, aunque de manera desigual. Pero es en aquellas regiones más desarrolladas donde se le presta más atención al tema, y donde se han tomado numerosas medidas para intentar impedir estos actos ilícitos. Algunas de las más importantes son las propuestas por las Naciones Unidas: El Pacto Mundial y la Convención contra la Corrupción. También cabe destacar la Oficina Europea de Lucha Contra el Fraude, a nivel europeo, o la Foreign Corrupt Practices Act y la Ley Sarbanes-Oxley, en Estados Unidos. A pesar de estas medidas, en los últimos años el nivel de fraude ha aumentado.
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Casos de fraudes têm ocorrido, freqüentemente, no mercado mundial. Diversos são os profissionais envolvidos nestes casos, inclusive os da classe contábil. Os escândalos contábeis, especialmente os mais famosos, como os incididos nas empresas Enron e WordCom, acenderam para uma maior preocupação em relação à conduta ética dos profissionais de contabilidade. Como conseqüência, há uma maior exigência quanto à transparência e a fidedignidade das informações prestadas por estes profissionais. Esta preocupação visa, primordialmente, manter a confiança de empresas, investidores, fornecedores e da sociedade, dentre outras, na responsabilidade ética do contador, denegrida pelo envolvimento nas fraudes detectadas. Desta forma, o presente estudo teve como objetivo verificar a conduta ética dos contadores e técnicos em contabilidade quando, no exercício de suas atividades profissionais, se depararem com questões relacionadas a fraudes. Para tal, são considerados alguns fatores que podem tanto vir a influenciar o processo decisório ético de um indivíduo, demonstrados através do Modelo de tomada de decisão, desenvolvido por Alves, quanto motivar um indivíduo a cometer um ato fraudulento, evidenciados através do Modelo denominado Triângulo da Fraude, desenvolvido por Cressey. Buscando responder a questão norteadora desta pesquisa, executou-se a análise descritiva e estatística dos dados, com a utilização de técnicas não-paramétricas. Para a análise descritiva dos dados foram elaboradas as tabelas de freqüências e calculadas as medidas de posição e dispersão, através do cálculo dos valores da média, moda, mediana e desvio padrão, quando aplicáveis. Em relação à análise estatística dos dados, foram utilizados os testes não-paramétricos de Spearman e a Regressão logística Multivariada. Os resultados demonstraram que a maioria dos profissionais de contabilidade, da amostra pesquisada, reconhece a questão moral inserida nos cenários, discorda dos atos dos agentes de cada cenário e, ainda, classifica esses atos como graves ou muito graves. Entretanto, verificou-se que esses profissionais de contabilidade tendem a ter um posicionamento mais voltado para a teoria teleológica, uma vez que a intenção de agir é influenciada por alguns fatores, como a oportunidade, a racionalização e, principalmente, a pressão. Alguns fatores individuais também apresentaram influência sob o posicionamento ético dos profissionais entrevistados nesta pesquisa.
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Scully, Roger, Farrell, David, Representing Europe's Citizens? Electoral Institutions and the Failure of Parliamentary Representation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp.xiii+230 RAE2008
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Scully, Roger, and R. Wyn Jones, 'Devolution and Electoral Politics in Scotland and Wales', Publius, (2006) 36(1) pp.115-134 RAE2008
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Protocorporatist West European countries in which economic interests were collectively organized adopted PR in the first quarter of the twentieth century, whereas liberal countries in which economic interests were not collectively organized did not. Political parties, as Marcus Kreuzer points out, choose electoral systems. So how do economic interests translate into party political incentives to adopt electoral reform? We argue that parties in protocorporatist countries were representative of and closely linked to economic interests. As electoral competition in single member districts increased sharply up to World War I, great difficulties resulted for the representative parties whose leaders were seen as interest committed. They could not credibly compete for votes outside their interest without leadership changes or reductions in interest influence. Proportional representation offered an obvious solution, allowing parties to target their own voters and their organized interest to continue effective influence in the legislature. In each respect, the opposite was true of liberal countries. Data on party preferences strongly confirm this model. (Kreuzer's historical criticisms are largely incorrect, as shown in detail in the online supplementary Appendix.). © 2010 American Political Science Association.
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Estamos en tiempo electoral (y en nuestro país casi todos lo son). El pistoletazo mediático de salida se dio en las elecciones de Cataluña, donde desde tiempo atrás todos los sondeos daban por ganador al PSC, tanto por votos como por escaños. Incluso seguían así los sondeos de las emisoras de radio y TV de las ocho de la tarde, después de votar. Pero lo cierto es que, una vez escrutados todos los votos, quien ganó en escaños fue CiU.
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This paper examines the attitudes of women political elites in Ireland toward positive action initiatives that would assist in increasing women's legislative presence. An earlier study isolated family responsibilities and lack of finance as significant barriers for Irish women wishing to enter, and stay in, political life. In addition, scholarly and policy debates on boosting women's parliamentary representation focus on manipulating electoral or party selection rules along with strategies for making a political career more compatible with women's socially determined responsibilities. This paper examines how Irish women politicians respond to various suggestions for positive action in these three arenas: combining legislative and family responsibilities, funding a political campaign and getting elected. The paper highlights the broad consensus among women politicians, irrespective of party, self-interest, or length of service, favoring certain positive action initiatives, as well as their reluctance to support other options. It also illustrates the complexity of implementing some of these reforms. In addition, the paper emphasizes how cultural expectations and values act to inhibit women's political agency.