Mapping the regulatory environment : implications for construction firms

As regulators, governments are often criticised for over‐regulating industries. This research project seeks to examine the regulation affecting the construction industry in a federal system of government. It uses a case study of the Australian system of government to focus on the question of the implications of regulation in the construction industry. Having established the extent of the regulatory environment, the research project considers the costs associated with this environment. Consequently, ways in which the regulatory burden on industry can be reduced are evaluated. The Construction Industry Business Environment project is working with industry and government agencies to improve regulatory harmonisation in Australia, and thereby reduce the regulatory burden on industry. It is found that while taxation and compliance costs are not likely to be reduced in the short term, costs arising from having to adapt to variation between regulatory regimes in a federal system of government, seem the most promising way of reducing regulatory costs. Identifying and reducing adaptive costs across jurisdictional are argued to present a novel approach to regulatory reform.

Performance Benchmarking of Australian Business Regulation : Submission to the Productivity Commission

The need to “reduce red tape” and regulatory inconsistencies is a desirable outcome (OECD 1997) for developed countries. The costs normally associated with regulatory regimes are compliance costs and direct charges. Geiger and Hoffman (1998) have noted that the extent of regulation in an industry tends to be negatively associated with firm performance. Typically, approaches to estimation of the cost of regulations examine direct costs, such as fees and charges, together with indirect costs, such as compliance costs. However, in a fragmented system, such as Australia, costs can also be incurred due to procedural delays, either by government, or by industry having to adapt documentation for different spheres of government; lack of predictable outcomes, with variations occurring between spheres of government and sometimes within the same government agency; and lost business opportunities, with delays and red tape preventing realisation of business opportunities (OECD 1997). In this submission these costs are termed adaptation costs. The adaptation costs of complying with variations in regulations between the states has been estimated by the Building Product Innovation Council (2003) as being up to $600 million per annum for building product manufacturers alone. Productivity gains from increased harmonisation of the regulatory system have been estimated in the hundreds of millions of dollars (ABCB 2003). This argument is supported by international research which found that increasing the harmonisation of legislation in a federal system of government reduces what we have termed adaptation costs (OECD 2001). Research reports into the construction industry in Australia have likewise argued that improved consistency in the regulatory environment could lead to improvements in innovation (PriceWaterhouseCoopers 2002), and that research into this area should be given high priority (Hampson & Brandon 2004). The opinion of industry in Australia has consistently held that the current regulatory environment inhibits innovation (Manley 2004). As a first step in advancing improvements to the current situation, a summary of the current costs experienced by industry needs to be articulated. This executive summary seeks to outline these costs in the hope that the Productivity Commission would be able to identify the best tools to quantify the actual costs to industry.

A summary view of government cost recovery policies in Australia and New Zealand relating to the supply of public sector information

Researching administrative history is problematical. A trail of authoritative documents is often hard to find; and useful summaries can be difficult to organise, especially if source material is in paper formats in geographically dispersed locations. In the absence of documents, the reasons for particular decisions and the rationale underpinning particular policies can be confounded as key personnel advance in their professions and retire. The rationale for past decisions may be lost for practical purposes; and if an organisation’s memory of events is diminished, its learning through experience is also diminished. Publishing this document tries to avoid unnecessary duplication of effort by other researchers that need to venture into how policies of charging for public sector information have been justified. The author compiled this work within a somewhat limited time period and the work does not pretend to be a complete or comprehensive analysis of the issues.----- A significant part of the role of government is to provide a framework of legally-enforceable rights and obligations that can support individuals and non-government organisations in their lawful activities. Accordingly, claims that governments should be more ‘business-like’ need careful scrutiny. A significant supply of goods and services occurs as non-market activity where neither benefits nor costs are quantified within conventional accounting systems or in terms of money. Where a government decides to provide information as a service; and information from land registries is archetypical, the transactions occur as a political decision made under a direct or a clearly delegated authority of a parliament with the requisite constitutional powers. This is not a market transaction and the language of the market confuses attempts to describe a number of aspects of how governments allocate resources.----- Cost recovery can be construed as an aspect of taxation that is a sole prerogative of a parliament. The issues are fundamental to political constitutions; but they become more complicated where states cede some taxing powers to a central government as part of a federal system. Nor should the absence of markets be construed necessarily as ‘market failure’ or even ‘government failure’. The absence is often attributable to particular technical, economic and political constraints that preclude the operation of markets. Arguably, greater care is needed in distinguishing between the polity and markets in raising revenues and allocating resources; and that needs to start by removing unhelpful references to ‘business’ in the context of government decision-making.

An overview of Australian intrans*igence : a systemic Pandora’s Box

Despite the fact that Australia is a socially progressive country and boasts one of the largest Gender Dysphoria Clinics in the Southern Hemisphere, delivering services for almost four decades, Australian Governments fail to arrive at any consensus on the legal and human rights approaches to Trans*people. The subsequent lack of recognition does little more than increase the levels of frustration of and the continued discrimination to Trans*people, including adverse mental health problems, in this country. The purpose of this presentation is to provide an overview of the Australian systems that govern Trans*people and to identify how Trans*identities are manipulated in our Federal system of government; a system which offers little to protect the human rights of Trans*people. In order to contextualise the Australian situation, I commence with a brief description on the layers of government which will include how Australian Trans*people are currently protected under the law in those jurisdictions. I then present some of the impracticalities endured by the transitioning individual (single or married) including change of documentation and legal gender status before, during and after surgical transition for both those born on and off shore. This presentation will also include discussion of legislation that has been described by Trans*advocates as “Gesture”, “Cart before the Horse” and “Harmful”. I will conclude with a way forward by suggesting the development of a coordinated all of government approach in consultation with key stakeholders for “Trans* Friendly Legislation” to improve the human and legal rights, and ultimately the health and wellbeing of Australian Trans*identities.

Emergency powers and pandemics : federalism and the management of public health emergencies in Australia

Under the International Health Regulations 2005 Australia is obliged to develop a domestic framework designed to equip it to respond to public health emergencies. The legislative arrangements for the declaration of a public health emergency in Australia are complex, vary across state jurisdictions and intersect with other emergency powers. The task of harmonising laws and other arrangements within a federal system poses both challenges and opportunities for flexibility and choice. This article argues that Australia's current multi-strand and multi-level response provides a coordinated framework which also accommodates desirable levels of flexibility and choice.

Elite Bargaining and the Evolution of Centre-Periphery Relations in Post-Soviet Russia : A Comparative Analysis

This work is concerned with presenting a modified theoretical approach to the study of centre-periphery relations in the Russian Federation. In the widely accepted scientific discourse, the Russian federal system under the Yeltsin Administration (1991-2000) was asymmetrical; largely owing to the varying amount of structural autonomy distributed among the federation s 89 constituent units. While providing an improved understanding as to which political and socio-economic structures contributed to federal asymmetry, it is felt that associated large N-studies have underemphasised the role played by actor agency in re-shaping Russian federal institutions. It is the main task of this thesis to reintroduce /re-emphasise the importance of actor agency as a major contributing element of institutional change in the Russian federal system. By focusing on the strategic agency of regional elites simultaneously within regional and federal contexts, the thesis adopts the position that political, ethnic and socio-economic structural factors alone cannot fully determine the extent to which regional leaders were successful in their pursuit of economic and political pay-offs from the institutionally weakened federal centre. Furthermore, this work hypothesises that under conditions of federal institutional uncertainty, it is the ability of regional leaders to simultaneously interpret various mutable structural conditions then translate them into plausible strategies which accounts for the regions ability to extract variable amounts of economic and political pay-offs from the Russian federal system. The thesis finds that while the hypothesis is accurate in its theoretical assumptions, several key conclusions provide paths for further inquiry posed by the initial research question. First, without reliable information or stable institutions to guide their actions, both regional and federal elites were forced into ad-hoc decision-making in order to maintain their core strategic focus: political survival. Second, instead of attributing asymmetry to either actor agency or structural factors exclusively, the empirical data shows that both agency and structures interact symbiotically in the strategic formulation process, thus accounting for the sub-optimal nature of several of the actions taken in the adopted cases. Third, as actor agency and structural factors mutate over time, so, too do the perceived payoffs from elite competition. In the case of the Russian federal system, the stronger the federal centre became, the less likely it was that regional leaders could extract the high degree of economic and political pay-offs that they clamoured for earlier in the Yeltsin period. Finally, traditional approaches to the study of federal systems which focus on institutions as measures of federalism are not fully applicable in the Russian case precisely because the institutions themselves were a secondary point of contention between competing elites. Institutional equilibriums between the regions and Moscow were struck only when highly personalised elite preferences were satisfied. Therefore the Russian federal system is the product of short-term, institutional solutions suited to elite survival strategies developed under conditions of economic, political and social uncertainty.

The role of a minor party : a comparative study of the British Liberal Party and the Australian Country Party since 1918

and the Australian Country Party since 1918. 2. The thesis examines the proposition that the role of a minor party is determined, not by its total strength expressed as a percentage of the national vote, but by how its strength is concentrated. Australia and Britain were chosen for the comparison because of the many similarities in political culture and in the extent of class voting. Each country has a party - the Country Party in Australia and the Liberal Party in Britain - which has had a distinct impact on the political scene in their respective countries. In the period from 1918 to the present day neither party, at the national level, has ever held the largest number of seats in parliament let alone a majority of seats, and it is in this sense that they are herein defined as minor parties. In the thesis the constitutional background of and differences between Australia and Britain are reviewed, followed by a brief historical picture of each of the two parties being studied. The sources of supporc of the two parties are analysed and it is here that real differences emerge. The Country Party in Australia is a deliberately sectional party with a narrow rural base, whereas the British Liberal Party is more broadly based than either the Labour or Conservative Parties in Britain. 3. Party leadership and organisation are then discussed. Both parties have had outstanding leaders, Earle Page and McEwen for the Country Party; Asquith, Lloyd George and Grimond for the Liberal Party. Both parties have had relatively fewer leaders than their major party opponents. However, whereas the Country Party has been free of serious splits the Liberal Party was shattered on the leadership struggles of Asquith and Lloyd George. Both parties have been identified with decentralisation of state power, the Country Party through its support, albeit sometimes lukewarm of the New States Movement; the Liberal Party through its espousal of a federal system for Britain with separate Welsh, Scottish and regional assemblies. Unfortunately for the British Liberal Party the beneficiaries of their policies in this area have been relatively new nationalist parties in both Wales arid Scotland. The major part of the thesis is devoted to a study of how the electoral systems in the two countries have, in practice, worked to the advantage or disadvantage of the Country Party and the British Liberal Party. The Country Party has been as consistently over-represented in the House of Representatives as the Liberal Party has been under-represented in the British House of Commons. With the even distribution of its support the introduction of the single transferable vote, in itself, would bring little benefit to the British Liberal Party in terms of seats. Multimember urban constituencies combined with some type of list system are the only way the Liberals are likely to obtain House of Commons seats in proportion to their votes. 4. Finally, the relations of the two minor parties with their respective major parties are considered. In the conclusion the future of the two parties is reviewed. In general terms it appears that the Country Party is faced with a slow decline. Although the British Liberal Party made a major breakthrough, in terms of votes, in the February 1974 election, they were unable to maintain this momentum in the October election, even though they lost very little ground. In the long term they must make an inroad into Labour held seats if they are to progress further.

Perspective sur une nouvelle fédération : le cas de la Somalie

Éditorial du 13 janvier 2016 - Observatoire des fédérations

Fédéralisme et environnement : l’un nuit-il à l’autre ?

Éditorial du 3 février 2016 - Observatoire des fédérations

Federalismo: uma abordagem do problema do principal e do agente

The government has two objectives in this economy: make the states invest in thepriority sector and equalize wealth among states. Applying the model of the Principal-Agent Problem, we obtain that the federal system may not increase society 's wellfare when the states not necessarily invest in its respective thepriority sector. We also obtain that it is possible to implement an optimal mechanism where government equalize wealth among states without cost and can make states invest in thepriority sector.

Uma avaliação estratégica da situação de crise e mudança das universidades federais brasileiras

Este trabalho de dissertação trata da administração universitária na área do governo federal. A pesquisa realizada investiga a situação de crise e mudança das Universidades Federais Brasileiras, através de três instmmentos: pesquisa bibliográfica que compõe a base teórica da investigação; entrevistas tendo como amostra a opinião de dirigentes universitários das Universidades Federais localizadas no Rio de Janeiro, quais sejam: Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro: Universidade Federal Fluminense: Universidade do Rio de Janeiro e Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro; e um questionário fechado contendo questões pontuais sobre a situação de crise das Universidades Federais Brasileiras, também aplicado ao mesmo gmpo entrevistado. O estudo realizado aborda questões relevantes para a compreensão da crise nestas instituições tais como: missão das Universidades Federais Brasileiras; Ensino, Pesquisa e Extensão e sua indissociabilidade; a relação Governo - Universidades Federias Brasileiras: a relação Universidade -Sociedade; diferenças entre ensino superior público e privado no país; a questão da gratuidade nas Universidades Federais no Brasil; a massificação do ensino superior; a questão do corporativismo; a autonomia universitária, e as avaliações do sistema federal de ensino superior no país. Finalmente, um enfoque conclusivo avalia a situação de crise e a necessidade efetiva de implementar mudanças.

A face inconstitucional do novo marco regulatório do petróleo

A descoberta do pré-sal motivou intensa atividade legislativa que alterou o regime sob o qual o petróleo é explorado no Brasil. Neste contexto, foram instituídas mudanças na distribuição das participações governamentais, notadamente no que se refere ao pagamento dos royalties e participações especiais aos Estados e Municípios produtores de petróleo. Representantes de alguns destes Estados, insatisfeitos frente ao novo marco regulatório, ajuizaram Ações Diretas de Inconstitucionalidade (ADI nº 4.917, ADI nº. 4.916, ADI nº. 4.492 e ADI nº. 4.920) perante o Supremo Tribunal Federal, questionando, em suma, a violação ao pacto federativo, ao ato jurídico perfeito, ao direito adquirido, à segurança jurídica e ao princípio da isonomia.

Modelo regulatório híbrido da educação superior privada: possibilidades, limites e desafios

Nos últimos vinte anos observamos a entrada de entidades privadas com fins lucrativos no meio educacional de nível superior, motivada e induzida por decisões de políticas educacionais na busca do ideal do acesso ao ensino combinado com a inclusão social. Assim, instituições privadas estabeleceram um novo modelo “em construção” de Educação Superior focado em Mercado, criando oportunidades para que tal segmento crescesse à margem de um processo regulatório econômico. Atualmente as possibilidades de abordagens regulatórias ampliaram-se, sendo plenamente admitido regulação em setores econômicos, e sob formatos que não sejam, necessariamente, o modelo de agências autônomas, podendo existir entidades similares às agências reguladoras, órgãos ou entidades dotadas de função regulatória, como no caso do Ministério da Educação e suas entidades supervisionadas - autarquias. A chamada regulação social qualitativa - oferta de vagas e autorização de cursos - mostra-se insuficiente para ordenar e articular a ação dos atores, num ambiente regulatório crescente em complexidade social e econômica. O modelo regulatório híbrido da ES privada propõe articular/combinar os já consagrados parâmetros da regulação social com os princípios e parâmetros da regulação econômica, numa nova forma de abordagem regulatória que agregue as seguintes dimensões: fundamentos econômicos; implementação de políticas públicas setorizadas, regionalizadas e indutoras; desenho institucional que priorize novas diretrizes para a entrada e manutenção no Sistema Federal de Ensino - autorizações e credenciamentos; fiscalização e controle; prospecção, avaliação; e accountability - e, acesso das IES às Políticas Públicas Programáticas, de caráter geral, assegurando o interesse público, a efetividade, a competitividade, a qualidade e o valor social no Ensino Superior Privado.

A previdência rural universalista e a sua relevância na economia dos municípios do Rio Grande do Norte

This study deals with the rural social security Universalist established by the Constitution of 1988 and its importance in the economy of the municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte. In this context, the study seeks to satisfy two important criteria that guide the selection of objects of social science research: a consideration of issues that have relevance to the real world and the intention to make the contribution to the scholarly literature on theoretical and empirical aspects. The research seeks to reveal what is the economic importance of the subsystem of social security for rural municipalities in RN. The hypothesis is that the transfer of income received by beneficiaries from the rural social security tax exceeds the explicit mechanisms for most municipalities in RN, in many cases significantly, proving the importance of this policy as a mechanism for combating poverty and reducing social inequality, especially before the fragility of the federal system on the national political entity hall. The study presents theoretical cores - chapters 1-3 - and empirical - Chapter 4. The first core is about the evolution of social protection as a state policy, addressing the influential theories and typologies of the State of Social Welfare and the characteristics of the Brazilian social security model, but mainly, its rural social security subsystem, its history until universalistic model inaugurated by the Federal Constitution of 1988. The second begins with an overview of studies that have emphasized the impact of Social Security on the local economy of small municipalities, then passing data and statistics in order to gauge the socioeconomic importance of pension income in the rural municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte. To this end, the final chapter provides a comparison of the monetary value transferred by the payment of social security benefits - rural and urban - to each of the 167 municipalities in RN with the equally important sources of income in the budget of municipal entities. Apart from their own tax revenues, are objects of comparison with the value of pension benefits awarded in RN, transfer quota state relating to the municipality on the federal ICMS and the transfer on the FPM

Reformas administrativas no Brasil: o caso do governo do estado do Piauí

From the 1980s, with technological development, globalization, and in a context of increasingly urgent demands, there is an international movement to modernize the state structures. Being driven by the victory of conservative governments in Britain and the U.S., this speech reform comes only to Brazil in the 1990s, the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Thus, in view of the recent movement of states to implement this reform agenda in their structures this research was to identify the elements that made it possible to attempt to modernize the administrative structure of the state of Piauí in 2003, in view of the political and administrative career in which the state was entered. Seeking to clarify the problem studied here, through a case study carried out a descriptive and exploratory, using a technique of gathering data to document research and interviews semi-structured. As the lens of analysis for this study used the neo-historical and sociological institutionalism, through which it sought to identify the critical moment in which they gave the Administrative Reform of Piaui, the process of breaking with the political and administrative career that previously had being followed, and the isomorphic mechanisms that enabled this speech reform comes up to this state, mechanisms that allow the homogenization of the organizational field. In general it appears that the search for new patterns and new technologies for management by the states in Brazil is due to the context of fiscal crisis in which the states were entered, forcing them to seek alternative models of management . The process of diffusion of New Public Management agenda for the states became possible, among other factors, due to the new scenario in which was inserted into the Brazilian federal system in the second half of the 1990s, characterized by a greater articulation between the horizontalstates, where through the mechanisms of isomorphic institutional change was made possible by the absorption of the speech states reformer of the 1990s. However, due to the specificities of each region is given the experiences state unevenly. In the case of Piauí Administrative Reform only became possible due to the rearrangement of political forces in the state and the mechanisms of isomorphic institutional change, which allowed, in 2003, the state government to absorb the speech reformer