John Smith, M.P fonds, 1930, 1949-1950, 1954, 1957-1962, n.d.

John Smith (1894-1977), son of Daniel Smith and Annie Douglas was a native of Scotland, immigrating to Canada in 1913. He first worked as a coach builder, then as a carpenter, finally developing his own contracting business. During WWI he served overseas with the 10th Battery, RCA as a sergeant. In 1924 Smith married Jean Wood, and together they had a daughter Irene (Hugh Langley). Smith first entered politics in 1940 serving as an alderman for the next 11 years. In 1954 he was elected mayor of the city of St. Catharines, and was twice returned to office by acclamation, serving until 1957 when he successfully ran as the Progressive Conservative candidate representing Lincoln County in the federal election. He won the election by a 10 000 vote majority. He served his constituents in Ottawa until he was defeated in the 1962 election. After leaving politics Mr. Smith was active in his community. He spearheaded the establishment of the St. Catharines Museum, and then was appointed its first director in 1966, serving in that capacity until 1972. He was an active member of the board of governors of the St. Catharines General Hospital and a life member and former president of the Lincoln County Humane Society. In 1971 he was voted Citizen of the Year for the city of St. Catharines. John Smith died on February 8, 1977 and was buried at Victoria Lawn Cemetery. Source: The St. Catharines Standard, February 9, 1977, page 1

La caricatura política de Ricardo Rendón y el final de la hegemonía conservadora 1920-1930

Cierto día contemplando la obra de Velásquez llamada Las Meninas, se puso de manifiesto, claramente, que existe una forma de lenguaje que busca transmitir y representar un contenido, una esencia. Esto es lo que busca el pintor, de la misma manera y guardando las debidas proporciones, que un político al tratar de transmitir algo con un discurso. Pero ¿Tendrán algo en común un pintor y un político? Desde el punto de vista discursivo sí. Para el primero su caballete, sus pinturas y su lienzo se constituyen en herramientas del lenguaje, mientras que para el segundo, las palabras, sus significados y la fuerza de sus frases cumplen el mismo propósito. Los dos tienen un público, los dos son el reflejo de una situación determinada y los dos buscan una tener la atención de los que los observan y escuchan. El pintor contempla una realidad y la plasma, el político elabora un discurso observando las necesidades del momento, así ambos se constituyen en “dadores de sentido” y personificaciones de un imaginario social.

Juan Filloy o la invención del escritor (1920-1930)

En este trabajo se revisa la afirmación según la cual Juan Filloy (Córdoba, 1894-2000) habría sido un escritor escondido y se refutan algunas de las explicaciones que se han dado a esa presunta voluntad del autor. Se propone, en cambio, que las ediciones privadas habrían formado parte de una estrategia implementada por el propio Filloy para lograr un máximo de visibilidad. A los fines de probar esta hipótesis, se analizan algunas prácticas 'especialmente discursivas' del escritor en tanto agente social, que son anteriores a sus primeras publicaciones de la década del treinta

Juan Filloy o la invención del escritor (1920-1930)

En este trabajo se revisa la afirmación según la cual Juan Filloy (Córdoba, 1894-2000) habría sido un escritor escondido y se refutan algunas de las explicaciones que se han dado a esa presunta voluntad del autor. Se propone, en cambio, que las ediciones privadas habrían formado parte de una estrategia implementada por el propio Filloy para lograr un máximo de visibilidad. A los fines de probar esta hipótesis, se analizan algunas prácticas 'especialmente discursivas' del escritor en tanto agente social, que son anteriores a sus primeras publicaciones de la década del treinta

Juan Filloy o la invención del escritor (1920-1930)

En este trabajo se revisa la afirmación según la cual Juan Filloy (Córdoba, 1894-2000) habría sido un escritor escondido y se refutan algunas de las explicaciones que se han dado a esa presunta voluntad del autor. Se propone, en cambio, que las ediciones privadas habrían formado parte de una estrategia implementada por el propio Filloy para lograr un máximo de visibilidad. A los fines de probar esta hipótesis, se analizan algunas prácticas 'especialmente discursivas' del escritor en tanto agente social, que son anteriores a sus primeras publicaciones de la década del treinta

[Colección de fotografías sobre la ciudad de Valencia (1914 a 1930) [ [Material gráfico].]

[27]. Pasadizo que une la Catedral con el Palacio Arzobispal de Valencia en la calle de la Barcella, 1917 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [28]. Puerta románica de la Catedral de Valencia, 1917 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [29-30]. Fuente monumento al Márques de Campo situado en la plaza Emilio Castelar, 1917 (3 pares estereoscópicos) (2 fot.) -- [31]. Patio interior sin identificar, un hombre y un policia (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [32]. Estatua ecuestre de Don Jaime I El Conquistador en el Parterre, 1917 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [32 A y B]. Máximo López Roglá en el Parterre (2 par estereoscópico) (2 fot.) -- [33-35]. Nieve en Valencia, en la alameditas de Serranos, niños jugando con la nieve en la Glorieta, 30-12-1917 (3 pares estereoscópicos) (3 fot.) -- [36-38]. Claustro del Patriarca con la escultura del Beato Juan de Ribera, en una de las fotos un grupo de seminaristas, 1917 (5 pares estereoscópicos) (3 fot.) -- [39-40]. Museo del Patriarca de Valencia, relicarios, Cruz Patriarcal (2 pares estereoscópicos) (2 fot.) -- [41-48]. Antiguo Hospital Padre Jofré, acceso desde la calle, patio de entrada y estatua del Padre Jofré, pórtico del Real Monasterio de la Santísima Trinidad, miembros de la Congregación de la Inmaculada y San Luís, los congregantes con los enfermos en el patio del hospital, 1913 (8 pares estereoscópicos) (8 fot.) -- [49]. Estandarte de la Academia Valencianista del Centro Escolar y Mercantil, 1917 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [50-51].Miembros de la Congregación de la Inmaculada y San Luís y de la Academia Valencianista del Centro Escolar y Mercantil (calle libreros 2) junto a la falla, en una de las fotos llevan el estandarte de la Academia (2 pares estereoscópicos) (2 fot.) -- [52]. Sede de la Academia Valencianista del Centro Escolar y Mercantil (2 pares estereoscópicos) (1 fot.) -- [53-69]. Fallas, año 1917 (21 pares estereoscópicos) (14 fot.) -- [70]. Mercado de Colón, carruaje con caballo junto a la puerta principal, 1917 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [71]. Palacio de la Exposición, 1917 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [72-87]. Los Jardines de Viveros: ruinas en primer plano al fondo la torre del Palacio de Ripalda, jaulas de los pájaros, Francisco Roglá López en Viveros, Isabel Orrico Vidal con sus hijos y las niñeras en Viveros en distintos situaciones y contemplando el estanque con el Museo de San Pío V al fondo, 1922 (19 pares estereoscópicos) (17 fot.) -- [88-90]. La Hípica (5 pares estereoscópicos) (3 fot.) -- [91-94]. Jugando al tenis en un campo habilitado para el tenis entre pinos (8 pares estereoscópicos) (4 fot.) -- [95-97]. El Puerto de Valencia, 1921 (4 pares estereoscópicos) (3 fot.) -- [98-104]. Llegada al puerto de Valencia de cuatro submarinos, entre ellos el submarino Monturiol, escoltados por torpederos y acompañados por el buque de salvamento Canguro, 8 de septiembre de 1921 (7 pares estereoscópicos) (7 fot.) -- [105-107A-D]. Playa y Balneario de las Arenas: un hombre y tres mujeres patinando en las Arenas; Isabel Orrico Vidal (izquierda), Ignacio Roglá Orrico (bebe) en brazos de Pilar (la niñera de Chiva), Manolo Orrico Vidal con su mujer Mercedes Gay, la niñera con Luisito Roglá Orrico, los niños más mayores son Merceditas Orrico Gay y Paquito Roglá Orrico; en las Arenas a la izquierda de la foto Ignacio Roglá Orrico (bebe), Ana María Rodríguez Gay, Paquito Roglá Orrico, Manolo Orrico Vidal, Merceditas Orrico Gay, en el centro Mercedes Gay Lloveras (sentada) y Gonzalo Rodríguez Gay, a la derecha Gonzalo Rodríguez, Ana Gay Lloveras, Isabel Orrico Vidal con Luisito Roglá Orrico y Francisco Roglá López (6 pares estereoscópicos) (6 fot.) -- [109]. En la playa de la Malvarrosa barca tirada por bueyes, 1922 (1 pares estereoscópicos) (1 fot.) -- [110-117]. Fiesta de la Virgen de los Desamparados, tapíz de flores con la imagen de la Virgen colocada en el retablo de flor, salida de la Virgen de la Basílica en el traslado a la Catedral, salida de la Virgen de la Catedral para la procesión de la tarde (9 pares estereoscópicos) (7 fot.) -- [118-120]. Carroza del MArqués de Llanera (actualmente en el Museo Nacional de Cerámica y Artes Suntuarias "González Martí" por la calle Carniceros esquina con la calle Arolas, vista lateral de la carroza, procesión del Corpus? (5 pares estereoscópicos) (3 fot.) -- [121-122]. Gigantes y Cabezudos junto a la Catedral, Fiesta del Corpus (2 pares estereoscópicos) (2 fot.) -- [123]. Isabel Orrico Vidal en el balcón del nº 11 de la calle de la Paz (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [124]. Procesión del domingo de Ramos (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [125-136]. Desfile del cortejo fúnebre por la calle (de la Paz?) de los restos de Sorolla el 13 de agosto de 1923 (16 pares estereoscópicos) (10 fot.) -- [137]. Detalle de la fuente de la Alameda (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [138-139]. Francisco Roglá López con su caballo en la Alameda, carruaje por la Alameda (2 pares estereoscópicos) (2 fot.) -- [140-143]. Jura de bandera en la Alameda (4 pares estereoscópicos) (4 fot.) -- [144A, B, C, D, E]. Fuente con estatua de la Alameda, José Roglá López leyendo el periódico junto a la fuente, con un grupo de amigos, grupo de amigos y un barquillero en el Paseo de la Alameda, José Roglá López con unos amigos en una fuente de la Alameda que ahora está en el barrio del Carmen (5 fot.) -- [145]. Grupo de coches de la época en la plaza de la Virgen (1 fot.) -- [146A, B]. Pareja de novios saliendo de la Basílica de la Virgen? (2 pares estereoscópicos) (2 fot.) -- [147-148]. Niños de la Asociación de San Vicente Ferrer que representan los milagros en los altares (2 pares estereoscópicos) (2 fot.) -- [149-150]. Actos festivos, dos mujeres llevando una bandera con gente alrededor (2 fot.) -- [151-152]. Plaza de toros de Valencia, 1930 (2 fot.) -- [153]. Rosalía Roglá López con su abuela materna en el piso de la calle Liñán nº 3, a través de los cristales se ve el edificio de la Lonja (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [154]. Rosalía Roglá López en el balcón de su piso de la calle Liñán nº 3, al fondo a la izquierda se ve la plaza del mercado y la Lonja (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [155]. José Roglá López de pié junto a la ventana leyendo un periódico (1 fot.) -- [156-157]. Isabel Orrico Vidal en la Alameditas de Serranos, al fondo el Museo San Pío V (2 fot.) -- [158-159]. Ignacio Roglá Orrico, Luís Roglá Orrico y Francisco Roglá Orrico sentados en un banco en la Glorieta, los tres niños junto al monumento al Dr. Gómez Ferrer de la Glorieta, 1928 (2 fot.) -- [160-161]. Ignacio Roglá Orrico, Luís Roglá Orrico en el jardín de los Viveros, los dos niños con Paco bebiendo en una fuente de Viveros junto al estanque, 1929 (2 fot.) -- [162]. Grupo familiar sentado en el jardín de los Viveros, Manolo Orrico Gay, Manolo Orrico Vidal, Luís Roglá Orrico, Isabel Orrico Vidal, Mercedes Gay Lloveras y Mercedes Orrico Gay, 1930 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [163]. Isabel Orrico Vidal junto a Luís Roglá Orrico en bicicleta en el jardín de los Viveros, 1930 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [164]. Manolo Orrico Gay y Luís Roglá Orrico (detrás) en bicicleta por el jardín de los Viveros (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.)

Food supply and raw materials in Japan : an index of the physical volume of production of foodstuffs, industrial crops, and minerals, 1894-1927 /

Published in 1929 under title: Agricultural and mineral production in Japan.

Bouwstoffen voor een geschiedenis van den Nederlandschen boekhandel, gedurende de halve eeuw 1930-1880 /

Arranged by decades, each with subdivisuions: Boekenlijsten ("van hetgeen er in verschillende vakken van wetenschap en letteren gedurende elktienjarig tijdperk meest belangrijks uitkam") Boeken-overzicht, Handelstoestand, Geschillen, De Vereeniging, Persoonlijke waardeering.

Results of meteorological observations, 1894.

Text followed by 81 blank leaves.

Advertisement and society in graphic magazine: La Esfera (1920-1930)

In the first third of the 20th century, Spain entered into modernity thanks to the positive state of its economic, cultural and social domains after the First World War. The objective of this article is to understand the role of artistic advertisements in the transformation of Spanish society that occurred during the decade of the ‘20s. My study of the illustrated magazine La Esfera has revealed that illustrated advertisements spread fashion, fostered sports and outdoors life, created the habit of smoking among women and had an educational influence that was powerful enough to change hygienic practices among children.

The noblest of professions : schoolmasters at Hastings 1872-1894

The Noblest of Professions: Schoolmasters at Hastings 1872-1894 is a skilfully developed study of educational developments outside the Australian metropolises and in a small, but significant, pioneering rural community in the late colonial period. It is an important contribution to the formerly neglected field of local and regional history in Australia. It extends our knowledge of the life experiences of the schoolmaster in an isolated community and the regard local people had for him, together with the significant and varied social and leadership roles he played regularly and occasionally in rural affairs. The rural schoolmaster and his concerns are vividly brought to life in a compelling portrayal in this book. In all a very significant contribution to Australian history and to the history of education in its regional and local context.

La modernización entre cafetales : San José, Costa Rica, 1880-1930

This work examines the urban modernization of San José, Costa Rica, between 1880 and 1930, using a cultural approach to trace the emergence of the bourgeois city in a small Central American capital, within the context of order and progress. As proposed by Henri Lefebvre, Manuel Castells and Edward Soja, space is given its rightful place as protagonist. The city, subject of this study, is explored as a seat of social power and as the embodiment of a cultural transformation that took shape in that space, a transformation spearheaded by the dominant social group, the Liberal elite. An analysis of the product built environment allows us to understand why the city grew in a determined manner: how the urban space became organized and how its infrastructure and services distributed. Although the emphasis is on the Liberal heyday from 1880-1930, this study also examines the history of the city since its origins in the late colonial period through its consolidation as a capital during the independent era, in order to characterize the nineteenth century colonial city that prevailed up to 1890 s. A diverse array of primary sources including official acts, memoirs, newspaper sources, maps and plans, photographs, and travelogues are used to study the initial phase of San Jose s urban growth. The investigation places the first period of modern urban growth at the turn of the nineteenth century within the prevailing ideological and political context of Positivism and Liberalism. The ideas of the city s elite regarding progress were translated into and reflected in the physical transformation of the city and in the social construction of space. Not only the transformations but also the limits and contradictions of the process of urban change are examined. At the same time, the reorganization of the city s physical space and the beginnings of the ensanche are studied. Hygiene as an engine of urban renovation is explored by studying the period s new public infrastructure (including pipelines, sewer systems, and the use of asphalt pavement) as part of the Saneamiento of San José. The modernization of public space is analyzed through a study of the first parks, boulevards and monuments and the emergence of a new urban culture prominently displayed in these green spaces. Parks and boulevards were new public and secular places of power within the modern city, used by the elite to display and educate the urban population into the new civic and secular traditions. The study goes on to explore the idealized image of the modern city through an analysis of European and North American travelogues and photography. The new esthetic of theatrical-spectacular representation of the modern city constructed a visual guide of how to understand and come to know the city. A partial and selective image of generalized urban change presented only the bourgeois facade and excluded everything that challenged the idea of progress. The enduring patterns of spatial and symbolic exclusion built into Costa Rica s capital city at the dawn of the twentieth century shed important light on the long-term political social and cultural processes that have created the troubled urban landscapes of contemporary Latin America.

Kansallista vai modernia : Taidegrafiikka osana 1930-luvun taidejärjestelmää

The theme of this doctoral thesis is the Finnish printmaking in the years 1930-1939. During this decade, there were approximately 100 artists making prints in Finland. Indeed, the period was an especially important one for printmaking. Associations for printmakers were founded in Helsinki and Turku, training in the field was launched, and the number of printmaking exhibitions increased considerably. Through their national organisations, Finnish printmakers participated in many exhibitions abroad, interaction with Nordic printmakers being especially intense. Thus, a firm basis for post-war developments was created. However, printmakers' activity- which had continued throughout the 1930s - declined notably after the Winter War broke out in the autumn of 1939. As a result, the period 1930-1939 forms a coherent and distinct unity in Finnish printmaking history. The study consists of two parts: the main text and an appendix in which the production of each printmaking artist active in the 1930s is examined separately. The study also includes a comprehensive list of the prints made in the course of the decade. One of the central themes is the printmakers' relationship to "Finnish nationalist" art and concepts of art in the 1930s. I analyse the various manifestations of this way of thinking in the visual arts of the period. Finnish fine art in the period between the world wars has usually been characterised as conservative, introverted and spiritually isolated from the modern European trends of the time. On the basis of this study, such a view is too simple. Many artists and printmakers adopted a modernistic notion of art that approached the newest in European modernism, including such trends as avant-garde classicism and general European new Objective Realism (Die neue Sachlichkeit). On the other hand, choosing Finnish nationalist motifs did not necessarily mean that the artist was opposed to modernism: modernist artists could still be interested in national themes. The relationship of 1930s printmaking to the world of nationalist ideas is examined in this doctoral thesis from several perspectives. Towards the end of the main text, I examine the issue from the point of view of selected artists. Another feature that emerged during the study and turned out to be surprisingly widespread was the close relationship of many artists to religious, theosophical and pantheistic views. I deal with this issue in greater detail through a few representative printmakers.

Kansallisvaltion teräsmiehestä valtakunnan sovittelijaksi : Poliisikulttuurin psykohistorialliset solmukohdat 1930-1997

From Steely Nation-State Superman to Conciliator of Economical Global Empire – A Psychohistory of Finnish Police Culture 1930-1997 My study concerns the way police culture has changed within the societal changes in Finnish society between 1930 and 1997. The method of my study was psycho-historical and post-structural analysis. The research was conducted by examining the psycho-historical plateaus traceable within Finnish police culture. I made a social diagnosis of the autopoietic relationship between the power-holders of Finnish society and the police (at various levels of hierarchical organization). According to police researcher John P. Crank, police culture should be understood as the cognitive processes behind the actions of the police. Among these processes are the values, beliefs, rituals, customs and advice which standardize their work and the common sense of policemen. According to Crank, police culture is defined by a mindset which thinks, judges and acts according to its evaluations filtered by its own preliminary comprehension. Police culture consists of all the unsaid assumptions of being a policeman, the organizational structures of police, official policies, unofficial ways of behaviour, forms of arrest, procedures of practice and different kinds of training habits, attitudes towards suspects and citizens, and also possible corruption. Police culture channels its members’ feelings and emotions. Crank says that police culture can be seen in how policemen express their feelings. He advises police researchers to ask themselves how it feels to be a member of the police. Ethos has been described as a communal frame for thought that guides one’s actions. According to sociologist Martti Grönfors, the Finnish mentality of the Protestant ethic is accentuated among Finnish policemen. The concept of ethos expresses very well the self-made mentality as an ethical tension which prevails in police work between communal belonging and individual freedom of choice. However, it is significant that it is a matter of the quality of relationships, and that the relationship is always tied to the context of the cultural history of dealing with one’s anxiety. According to criminologist Clifford Shearing, the values of police culture act as subterranean processes of the maintenance of social power in society. Policemen have been called microcosmic mediators, or street corner politicians. Robert Reiner argues that at the level of self-comprehension, policemen disparage the dimension of politics in their work. Reiner points out that all relationships which hold a dimension of power are political. Police culture has also been called a canteen culture. This idea expresses the day-to-day basis of the mentality of taking care of business which policing produces as a necessity for dealing with everyday hardships. According to police researcher Timo Korander, this figurative expression embodies the nature of police culture as a crew culture which is partly hidden from police chiefs who are at a different level. This multitude of standpoints depicts the diversity of police cultures. According to Reiner, one should not see police culture as one monolithic whole; instead one should assess it as the interplay of individuals negotiating with their environment and societal power networks. The cases analyzed formed different plateaus of study. The first plateau was the so-called ‘Rovaniemi arson’ case in the summer of 1930. The second plateau consisted of the examinations of alleged police assaults towards the Communists during the Finnish Continuation War of 1941 to 1944 and the threats that societal change after the war posed to Finnish Society. The third plateau was thematic. Here I investigated how using force towards police clients has changed culturally from the 1930s to the 1980s. The fourth plateau concerned with the material produced by the Security Police detectives traced the interaction between Soviet KGB agents and Finnish politicians during the long 1970s. The fifth plateau of larger changes in Finnish police culture then occurred during the 1980s as an aftermath of the former decade. The last, sixth plateau of changing relationships between policing and the national logic of action can be seen in the murder of two policemen in the autumn of 1997. My study shows that police culture has transformed from a “stone cold” steely fixed identity towards a more relational identity that tries to solve problems by negotiating with clients instead of using excessive force. However, in this process of change there is a traceable paradox in Finnish policing and police culture. On the one hand, policemen have, at the practical level, constructed their policing identity by protecting their inner self in their organizational role at work against the projections of anger and fear in society. On the other hand, however, they have had to safeguard themselves at the emotional level against the predominance of this same organizational role. Because of this dilemma they must simultaneously construct both a distance from their own role as police officers and the role of the police itself. This makes the task of policing susceptible to the political pressures of society. In an era of globalization, and after the heyday of the welfare state, this can produce heightened challenges for Finnish police culture.