La construcción de la política exterior de Rusia hacia Serbia: entre el pragmatismo y el Eurasianismo (2007-2015)

Esta monografía defenderá que la Rusia contemporánea cuenta con una ideología formada a partir de los elementos imperiales y religiosos previos a la Unión Soviética además de elementos políticos propios de la URSS como la colectividad y la oposición a occidente. La Rusia de Putin ha recobrado sus capacidades para defender sus intereses en el mundo frente a la injerencia de occidente, y en el caso de Serbia esto se hará evidente a través de la importancia de los lazos culturales e históricos reforzados por los vínculos económicos y estratégicos que representa la presencia de Rusia en Serbia. Los principales autores sobre los que se trabajará son Alexander Dugin y Alexander Panarin.

En busca del mural de Camilo Egas en la Feria Mundial de 1939 (Debates)

El artículo aborda el mural que el artista plástico ecuatoriano Camilo Egas preparó para el pabellón del Ecuador en la Feria Mundial de Nueva York, de 1939. Se revisan los detalles relacionados con la confección de la obra encargada por el Gobierno ecuatoriano y las reacciones que suscitó entre los asistentes a la exposición, funcionarios diplomáticos ecuatorianos y otras personalidades gubernamentales. Además, se describen algunos aspectos relacionados con su abandono, una vez concluida la exhibición y con la tarea de identificación de la documentación que testimonia el caso.

Reviewing Member States’ Commitment to the European External Action Service. EPIN Working Paper No. 34, 20 November 2012

Based on interviews with diplomats from a representative cross-section of nine member states and members of the EEAS itself, the research findings of this EPIN Working Paper confirm long-standing traditions and member state perceptions of cooperation with European institutions. The paper also reveals new aspects of the intergovernmental method of foreign policy shaping and making in the European Union; in particular how different national positions can positively or negatively affect the consolidation of the EEAS and the role of the EU as an international actor. As such, the Working Paper makes an original contribution to the existing literature on one of most discussed actors in the European Union’s post-Lisbon architecture in the domain of EU external action.

The United States in Southern Africa: Chester Crocker's linkage strategy 1981-1988

Chester Crocker was appointed as Reagan's Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs in 1981. He had criticised the inconsistencies of US African policy and proposed a renewed emphasis on the balance between America's global interests with specific regional priorities. While the focus of Congressmen, journalists and public opinion centred on the issue of apartheid, it was the Namibian War of Independence (South African Border War) that initially drew the attention of the Reagan administration, and it was the resolution of this war that remained the priority for the US government in this region throughout Crocker's time in office.

General Cariappa encounters 'White Australia' : Australia, India and the Commonwealth in the 1950s

There have been a number of studies of the White Australia policy and some examination of white Australia's relationship to the new, multiracial Commonwealth that emerged after the Second World War. Drawing extensively on Indian sources, this article examines how Australia was viewed by India's high commissioner to Australia and New Zealand, General K. M. Cariappa. In the period from September 1953 to April 1956 he sparked considerable controversy by suggesting that the White Australia policy ran the risk of alienating Asian opinion and undermining the Commonwealth ideal in India and Pakistan. Cariappa maintained a high public profile throughout his stay in Australia and was widely regarded as one of the most prominent diplomats posted to Canberra in the 1950s.

Twitter free Iran: an evaluation of Twitter's role in public diplomacy and information operations in Iran's 2009 election crisis

Social media platforms such as Twitter pose new challenges for decision-makers in an international crisis. We examine Twitter’s role during Iran’s 2009 election crisis using a comparative analysis of Twitter investors, US State Department diplomats, citizen activists and Iranian protestors and paramilitary forces. We code for key events during the election’s aftermath from 12 June to 5 August 2009, and evaluate Twitter. Foreign policy, international political economy and historical sociology frameworks provide a deeper context of how Twitter was used by different users for defensive information operations and public diplomacy. Those who believe Twitter and other social network technologies will enable ordinary people to seize power from repressive regimes should consider the fate of Iran’s protestors, some of whom paid for their enthusiastic adoption of Twitter with their lives.

Australians assembling

Some of the more innovative examples of recent international history writing address the growth of international and regional communities that emerged through the regular meetings of diplomats and bureaucrats. The trend towards multinational assembling grew particularly from the 1930s, as did diplomatic travel with the greater use of aircraft after the Second World War. This paper considers the role of Australian diplomats amongst others overseas. It focuses on the case of Percy Spender, Australia’s Ambassador to the United States in the 1950s, in the context of overlapping worlds: the British world in an era of decolonisation; the insistent internationalism of the United Nations; and the world of Cold War logic. The author suggests that, amidst debates about Britishness, nationalism and transnationalism, the story of Spender in Washington and Latin America highlights why life stories and social histories remain important for debates about Australia and Australians in the world.

Relações civis-militares e as leis de acesso a informação na América Latina e no Brasil

Na América Latina, um vasto legado de regimes militares tem contribuído para o fortalecimento de uma cultura de sigilo nos governos. Além da defesa da pátria contra a ameaça comunista, a maioria destes golpes se deveu a um senso de dever das Forças Armadas em preservar o Estado. Deste ponto de vista, os próprios militares seriam os mais qualificados para determinar quando e como intervir na ordem política interna. No entanto, justificar a intervenção militar na ordem política interna é sempre um empreendimento repleto de contradições e riscos graves para a liberdade. Este contexto levou os estudiosos e autoridades a repensarem o controle civil sobre os militares, e a redefinirem os papéis das forças armadas. Neste processo de consolidação da democracia, os militares ainda mantêm alguns poderes políticos e de veto dentro dos governos civis. O controle civil democrático das Forças Armadas na América Latina enfrenta a falta de incentivos políticos para os civis a se envolverem e se especializarem no assunto, já que não há ameaças internas, quer externas observadas. De fato, a região tem sido considerada como uma "zona de paz", onde os esforços diplomáticos prevaleceriam sobre conflitos armados. A promulgação de leis de acesso à informação pública (LAI) abre uma maneira inteiramente nova de escrutínio público – uma democracia monitorial, que afeta diretamente a autonomia militar e sua cultura organizacional. No estudo do surgimento e da força legal das LAI na América Latina, as relações entre civis e militares não foram consideradas em profundidade como um fator influente. Buscou-se traçar uma relação entre, por um lado, a existência de LAI, a data de aprovação da LAI e sua força geral e exceções, e por outro lado, as relações civis-militares na América Latina. Um número considerável de países suporta que as relações civis-militares influenciam a regulamentação das exceções e o momento em que a lei foi aprovada. Há uma tendência geral na América Latina a adotar LAI fracas na regulamentação de exceções. Também foi feito um estudo de caso do Brasil, país muito representativo da influência militar na política. Concluiu-se que as relações entre civis e militares no Brasil foram um fator de grande influência na aprovação final da LAI no país. Este estudo contribui para a construção de uma ponte entre as agendas de pesquisa de transparência e de relações civis-militares, com várias possibilidades de estudos de casos comparados.

A política externa brasileira e a questão Palestina: análise da imprensa e da diplomacia no período de 1945- 1951

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

As crônicas de Bilac nas revistas ilustradas A cigarra (1895) e A Bruxa (1896-1897)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Diplomacia e defesa na gestão Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002): história e conjuntura na análise das relações com a Argentina

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Explorando potencialidades para a criação de rede de apoio social a mulheres lusófonas que vivem com câncer de mama em Toronto, Canadá

Introduction: Health indicators tend to be altered due to the participation of people in social networks. Objective: To find out ideas of individuals belonging to Portuguese speaking communities in Toronto, Canada, about the possibility of creating a social support network for women experiencing breast cancer. Method: Nineteen participants of the present ethnographic and critical study answered to questions, providing their opinions regarding to the social support network and its positive and negative aspects. Also, the participants suggested other possible individuals who could participate and help in the creation of such network. Discussions were transcribed, analysed and coded using qualitative software called Atlas ti 6.0. Results: The main components for the creation of the social support network were: the demystification of breast cancer and its prevention, emphasis in health education, dissemination of the need of volunteers and a direct social support to those women. The positive aspects were the participation of oldest women as social leaders and the utilization of schools and religious institutions for publicity. Negative aspects that were perceived as barriers are: the belief that breast cancer is a disease lived by women, the lack of knowledge about its cure and rehabilitation, as well as a collective sensitiveness to it. Also, about the participation of community leaders, the suggestions were: diplomats, priests and pastors, schools directors and communication entrepreneurs. Conclusion: The creation of the social support network should consider the cultural sensitiveness and the inner diversity of the consulted Portuguese speaking communities. Due to the insufficient number of Angolan participants to sustain a major analysis, a special recommendation was that Angolan social leaders and professionals should be invited to design the structure of such network according to their specific cultural traits.

Depois dos navios negreiros: a criação do Consulado Brasileiro em Luanda e as relações do Império com a colônia portuguesa de Angola, 1822-1860

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Depois dos navios negreiros: a criação do Consulado Brasileiro em Luanda e as relações do Império com a colônia portuguesa de Angola, 1822-1860

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

The Alliance for Progress and Housing Policy in Rio de Janeiro and Buenos Aires in the 1960s

This article explores the construction of publicly financed low-income housing complexes in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, in the 1960s. These housing developments were possible thanks to the arrival of foreign economic and technical assistance from the Alliance for Progress. Urban scholars, politicians, diplomats and urbanists of the Americas sought to promote middle-class habits, mass consumption and moderate political behaviour, especially among the poor, by expanding access to homeownership and ‘decent’ living conditions for a burgeoning urban population. As a result, the history of low-income housing should be understood within broader transnational discourses and practices about the ‘modernization’ and ‘development’ of the urban poor.