Corruption and the Military in Politics: Theory and Evidence from around the World

Recent theoretical developments and case study evidence suggests a relationship between the military in politics and corruption. This study contributes to this literature by analyzing theoretically and empirically the role of the military in politics and corruption for the first time. By drawing on a cross sectional and panel data set covering a large number of countries, over the period 1984-2007, and using a variety of econometric methods substantial empirical support is found for a positive relationship between the military in politics and corruption. In sum, our results reveal that a one standard deviation increase in the military in politics leads to a 0.22 unit increase in corruption index. This relationship is shown to be robust to a variety of specification changes, different econometric techniques, different sample sizes, alternative corruption indices and the exclusion of outliers. This study suggests that the explanatory power of the military in politics is at least as important as the conventionally accepted causes of corruption, such as economic development.

Corruption and Financial Intermediation in a Panel of Regions: Cross-Border Effects of Corruption

The importance of financial market reforms in combating corruption has been highlighted in the theoretical literature but has not been systemically tested empirically. In this study we provide a first pass at testing this relationship using both linear and nonmonotonic forms of the relationship between corruption and financial intermediation. Our study finds a negative and statistically significant impact of financial intermediation on corruption. Specifically, the results imply that a one standard deviation increase in financial intermediation is associated with a decrease in corruption of 0.20 points, or 16 percent of the standard deviation in the corruption index and this relationship is shown to be robust to a variety of specification changes, including: (i) different sets of control variables; (ii) different econometrics techniques; (iii) different sample sizes; (iv) alternative corruption indices; (v) removal of outliers; (vi) different sets of panels; and (vii) allowing for cross country interdependence, contagion effects, of corruption.

Representations and the Corruption of Goods

The traditional view of the economic agent is of an individual who is self-interested, rational and perceives the world “correctly”. However, there is a lot of experimental and other evidence that undermines this view of agents. It is argued that an attempt to model these agents properly requires the cognitive science idea of a mental representation- a mental state with content. It is shown that this idea gives economists resources to discuss critiques of economics by Sandel (2012) and Grant (2012). In particular, it allows us to think clearly about the notion of goods being “corrupted” by a change in context from a non-market to a market situation.

L'effectivité des Conventions anti-corruption internationales : vers une Cour pénale internationale en criminalité économique pour punir le vol d'Etat

This doctoral thesis proposes an International Criminal Court Specialized in Economic Crime (ICC/EC) as a solution to the main obstacles to the effectiveness of international anti-corruption conventions studied. In fact, the dispute settlement systems of the international anti-corruption Conventions do not provide sufficient guarantees of effectiveness, and offenses and crimes of corruption are not under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC) derived from the Rome Statute of 2000. In a first part, this work analyzes seven international anti-corruption Conventions adopted between 1996 and 2003, respectively, by the Organization of American States (OAS), the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the European Union (EU), the Council of Europe (CoE), the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN). In a second part, this study highlights a deficit of rationalization and optimization of offenses included in the conventions: an incomplete criminalization of legal persons for corruption, an equally insufficient criminalization for corruption of political leaders benefiting both from criminal and civil immunities, as well as the limited outcome of international asset recovery de-rived from corruption. Finally, given the previous analysis made, this thesis concludes with a pro-posal for an independent ICC/EC specific to economic crimes in order to overcome the major obstacles highlighted and which strongly affect the effectiveness of the international anti-corruption conventions. - Cet ouvrage de thèse doctorale propose, comme solution principale aux obstacles à l'effectivité des Conventions anti-corruption internationales étudiées, une Cour Pénale Internationale Spécialisée en Criminalité Economique (CPI/CE). En effet, les systèmes de règlement des différends des Conven¬tions anti-corruption internationales n'offrent pas suffisamment de gage d'effectivité et les délits et crimes de corruption transnationale ne sont pas de la compétence de la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI) issue du statut de Rome de 2000. Dans un premier temps, le présent ouvrage analyse sept Conventions anti-corruption internationales adoptées entre 1996 et 2003, respectivement, par l'Organisation des Etats Américains (OEA), l'Organisation de Coopération et de Développement Economiques (OCDE), l'Union européenne (UE), le Conseil de l'Europe (CoE), l'Union Africaine (UA) et l'Organisation des Nations Unies (ONU). Dans un deuxième temps, l'ouvrage met en lumière un déficit de rationalisation et d'optimisation des incriminations que contiennent les Conventions, dont notamment : une incrimination lacunaire des personnes morales pour corruption, une incrimination tout aussi insuffisante pour corruption des dirigeants politiques au bénéfice d'immunités pénale et civile et une restitu¬tion internationale des avoirs issus de la corruption à portée limitée. Finalement, c'est au vu de l'analyse effectuée que le présent ouvrage conclut avec la proposition d'une CPI/CE indépendante et spécifique aux crimes économiques afin de pallier au mieux les obstacles majeurs mis en exergue et qui nuisent fortement à l'effectivité des Conventions anti-corruption internationales.

Corruption and decentralization : what economists have to say about it

This paper deals with both theoretical and empirical aspects of the link between corruption and decentralization in both developing and emerging countries. Only mixed results can be drawn from the literature. Decentralization can help discipline "predative" governments, but only under certain conditions. Indeed, it depends on fiscal arrangements and political features that are likely to be different between countries. The way incentives to local governments are designed by the central governments also plays an essential role.

Leader corruption depends on power and testosterone

We used incentivized experimental games to manipulate leader power-the number of followers and the discretion leaders had to enforce their will. Leaders had complete autonomy in deciding payouts to themselves and their followers. Although leaders could make prosocial decisions to benefit the public good they could also abuse their power by invoking antisocial decisions, which reduced the total payouts to the group but increased leader's earnings. In Study 1 (N = 478), we found that both amount of followers and discretionary choices independently predicted leader corruption. In Study 2 (N = 240), we examined how power and individual differences (e.g., personality, hormones) affected leader corruption over time; power interacted with testosterone in predicting corruption, which was highest when leader power and baseline testosterone were both high. Honesty predicted initial level of leader antisocial decisions; however, honesty did not shield leaders from the corruptive effect of power.

Corruption in representative democracy

A parliament with n members, distributed among two parties, decides whether to accept or reject a certain proposal. Each member of the parliament votes in favour or against. If there are at least t members in favour, the proposal is accepted; otherwise it is rejected. A non-member of the parliament, the briber, is interested in having the proposal accepted. To this end, he is willing to bribe members to induce them to vote in favour. It is compared a parliament with party discipline, where members vote according to the party line, and a parliament without party discipline, where members vote according to their own opinion. The paper determines, for given values of n and t , the average number of members that the briber has to bribe in each case (with the average taken with respect to all the possible allocations of members between parties and their votes, and also with respect to those allocations inducing the briber to bribe). The results show that a parliament with parties with party discipline is more costly for the briber to be bribed.

On the cultural transmission of corruption

We provide a cultural explanation to the phenomenon of corruption in the framework of an overlapping generations model with intergenerational transmissionof values. We show that the economy has two steady states with different levels of corruption. The driving force in the equilibrium selection process is the education effort exerted by parents which depends on the distribution of ethics in the population and on expectations about future policies. We propose some policy interventions which via parents' efforts have long-lasting effects on corruption and show the success of intensive education campaigns. Educating the young is a key element in reducing corruption successfully.

Corruption and the Hadleyburg effect

We study the dynamics of corruption relying on two fundamental observations:(a) Given agents detected as corrupt are typically fired and replaced, the historical levels of corruption have an impact on current corruption throughthe distribution of corruption costs of old agents; (b) Institutions negatively affected by their agents' corrupt activities are likely to respond optimally to it thereby decreasing the payoff from being corrupt. We model this situation by considering an agent who is supposed to monitor acontractor's delivery of a product or service and can manipulate hisreports thus allowing the contractor to deliver lower quality in exchange for a bribe. Given the two generations of agents overlapping at any particular date, the administration sets an optimal level of quality in eachperiod. We find that (i) A unique steady state level of corruption exists;(ii) Regardless of the initial distribution, apart from an initial period,equilibrium sequences are decreasing and converge to the steady state, aresult we term the "Hadleyburg effect". We use these findings to study thedynamic response of corruption to both temporary and permanent shocks to theprofitability of corruption and we find that the "Hadleyburg effect" hasimportant positive and normative implications.

Economic integration and corruption: The corrupt soul of the European Union

We study the link between corruption and economic integration. We show that if an economic union establishes a common regulation for public procurement, the country more prone to corruption benefits more from integration. However, if the propensities to corruption are too distinct, the less corrupt country will not be willing to join the union. This difference in corruption propensities can be offset by a difference in efficiency. We also show that corruption is lower if integration occurs. A panel data analysis for the European Union confirms that more corrupt countries are more favorable towards integration but less acceptable as potential new members.

Combating corruption in international business transactions

We analyze the impact of different types of international conventions thatrequire signatory countries to penalize domestic firms that are found tohave bribed foreign public officials. We analyze enforcement of penaltiesunder a convention styled after the OECD's 'Convention on Combating Briberyof Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions', in whichsignatory countries commit to prosecuting firms that have bribed publicofficials of any foreign country. We compare the results with the case inwhich the convention requires signatory countries to commit to prosecutingfirms that have bribed public officials of signatory countries only.We argue that the second type of convention is more likely to ensureenforcement of penalties on firms found to have bribed foreign publicofficials.

Organized vs. competitive corruption

We study bureaucratic corruption in a model in which a constituencysets required levels for a given set of activities. Each activity iscarried out by an external provider, and its realization is supervisedby a bureaucrat. While bureaucrats are supposed to act on behalf of theconstituency, they can decide to be corrupt and allow providers todeliver lower activity levels than contracted in exchange for a bribe.Given this, the constituency sets the optimal activity levels weighingoff the value of activity levels, their costs, as well as the possibilityfor the bureaucrats to be corrupt. We use this setup to study the impacton equilibrium corruption of the degree of decentralization of corruption.To do this we compute equilibrium corruption in two different settings:1) Each bureaucrat acts in such a way as to maximize his own individualutility (competitive corruption); 2) An illegal syndicate oversee thecorruption decisions of the population of bureaucrats in such a way asto maximize total proceeds from corruption (organized corruption). Weshow that, since average corruption payoff is increasing in the activitylevels set by the constituency, and since the latter responds to highlevels of corruption by reducing required activity levels, in equilibriumthe illegal syndicate acts in such a way as to restrain the total numberof corrupt transactions, so that corruption is lower when it is organizedthan when it is competitive.