49 resultados para Corporatism


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As militarization of bodies politic continues apace the world over, as military organizations again reveal themselves as primary political, economic and cultural forces in many societies, we argue that the emergent and potentially dominant form of political economic organization is a species of neo-feudal corporatism. Drawing upon Bourdieu, we theorize bodies politic as living habitus. Bodies politic are prepared for war and peace through new mediations, powerful means of public pedagogy. The process of militarization requires the generation of new, antagonistic evaluations of other bodies politic. Such evaluations are inculcated via these mediations, the movement of meanings across time and space, between formerly disparate histories, places, and cultures. New mediations touch new and different aspects of the body politic: its eyes, its ears, its organs, but they are consistently targeted at the formation of dispositions, the prime movers of action.

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This article uses critical discourse analysis to analyse material shifts in the political economy of communications. It examines texts of major corporations to describe four key changes in political economy: (1) the separation of ownership from control; (2) the separation of business from industry; (3) the separation of accountability from responsibility; and (4) the subjugation of ‘going concerns’ by overriding concerns. The authors argue that this amounts to a political economic shift from traditional concepts of ‘capitalism’ to a new ‘corporatism’ in which the relationships between public and private, state and individual interests have become redefined and obscured through new discourse strategies. They conclude that the present financial and regulatory ‘crisis’ cannot be adequately resolved without a new analytic framework for examining the relationships between corporation, discourse and political economy.

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This article uses critical discourse analysis to analyse material shifts in the political economy of communications. It examines texts of major corporations to describe four key changes in political economy: (1) the separation of ownership from control; (2) the separation of business from industry; (3) the separation of accountability from responsibility; and (4) the subjugation of ‘going concerns’ by overriding concerns. The authors argue that this amounts to a political economic shift from traditional concepts of ‘capitalism’ to a new ‘corporatism’ in which the relationships between public and private, state and individual interests have become redefined and obscured through new discourse strategies. They conclude that the present financial and regulatory ‘crisis’ cannot be adequately resolved without a new analytic framework for examining the relationships between corporation, discourse and political economy.

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This paper advances knowledge of how civil society organisations (CSOs) negotiate the shift from boom-time public expenditure to governmental austerity. The study focuses on the Republic of Ireland, where CSOs occupied an important role in providing a voice for ‘vulnerable’citizens in corporatism for over a decade. The global financial crisis and subsequent austerity measures caused the country’s model of corporatist-style ‘social partnership’ to collapse. The article connects CSOs’ adaptation to austerity measures when protecting the ‘people behind the cuts’ to broader questions about co-optation of civil society through state-led policymaking
institutions.

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Internationally, policies for attracting highly-skilled migrants have become the guidelines mainly used by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries. Governments are implementing specific procedures to capture and facilitate their mobility. However, all professions are not equal when it comes to welcoming highly-skilled migrants. The medical profession, as a protective market, is one of these. Taking the case of non-EU/EEA doctors in France, this paper shows that the medical profession defined as the closed labour market, remains the most controversial in terms of professional integration of migrants, protectionist barriers to migrant competition and challenge of medical shortage. Based on the path-dependency approach, this paper argues that non-EU/EEA doctors' issues in France derive from a complex historical process of interaction between standards settled in the past, particularly the historical power of medical corporatism, the unexpected long-term effects of French hospital reforms of 1958, and budgetary pressures. Theoretically, this paper shows two significant findings. Firstly, the French medical system has undergone a series of transformations unthinkable in the strict sense of a path-dependence approach: an opening of the medical profession to foreign physicians in the context of the Europeanisation of public policy, acceptance of non-EU/EEA doctors in a context of medical shortage and budgetary pressures. Secondly, there is no change of the overall paradigm: significantly, the recruitment policies of non-EU/EEA doctors continue to highlight the imprint of the past and reveal a significant persistence of prejudices. Non-EU/EEA doctors are not considered legitimate doctors even if they have the qualifications of physicians which are legitimate in their country and which can be recognised in other receiving countries.

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Cette étude exploratoire a pour but d’identifier les facteurs pouvant influencer l’implantation des adjoints au médecin dans le système de santé québécois, selon les perceptions de médecins omnipraticiens et de médecins spécialistes. La collecte de données pour cette étude qualitative s’est effectuée à l’aide d’entrevues semi-structurées effectuées auprès de 13 omnipraticiens et spécialistes provenant d’hôpitaux de Montréal et de la clinique médicale des Forces canadiennes de St-Jean (Québec). L’étude a démontré que des obstacles perçus, tels que le corporatisme et le manque d’information sur la profession, pourraient interférer avec l’intégration des adjoints au médecin au Québec. Cependant, les participants s’entendent pour dire que ces obstacles ne seraient pas insurmontables et ont, par la même occasion, identifié de nombreux éléments pouvant faciliter cette intégration. Les adjoints au médecin ont des compétences uniques et travaillent déjà dans d’autres provinces canadiennes qui ont un réseau de santé similaire au nôtre. Cette étude permet donc d’approfondir les connaissances à l’égard de cette profession, en plein essor au pays, dans l’éventualité d’une intégration de ce groupe professionnel au Québec.

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L’entre-deux-guerres représente une période charnière dans l’évolution de la pensée économique au Canada. Le contexte économique et social des années 1920-1940 est des plus favorables au foisonnement de nouvelles idées et de nouvelles approches. Face à la crise et à l’urgence d’en sortir, les économistes, les intellectuels et les milieux politiques commencent à se questionner sérieusement sur les dysfonctions du capitalisme et de l’économie de marché. Pénétrée par des courants émergents, dont le keynésianisme et le corporatisme, et en parallèle avec une discipline économique en pleine formation, la pensée économique évolue considérablement durant ces années alors que les économistes s’interrogent sur les orientations des politiques gouvernementales. L’étude des deux grandes revues d’économie-politique, L’Actualité économique et le Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Sciences, ainsi que l’analyse des travaux des principaux économistes de l’époque, incarnés par Harold A. Innis, W. A. Mackintosh, Esdras Minville et Édouard Montpetit, révèlent les nouvelles orientations face aux problèmes qui confronte le Canada.

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La Constitución Política de 1991 introdujo el concepto de participación como dato fundamental de su estructura. Un estudio ligero permite evidenciar una cantidad de artículos que regulan la materia participativa sin embargo, dichos preceptos se encuentran sin una relación de convexidad precisa. En cuanto al tema de la participación del administrado en la administración pública, como género de la especie que engloba las normas precisas sobre el ejercicio de funciones administrativas por particulares, el problema es de mayor complejidad; ello debido a que el problema participativo supone el estudio de teorías sociológicas que explican el fenómeno desde perspectivas que superan el ámbito normativo de los preceptos que consagran dicho fenómeno. El presente artículo tiene como propósito estudiar desde un punto de vista teórico el problema de la participación como fundamento del ejercicio de funciones administrativas por particulares con el objeto de explicar su fundamento último. Para este efecto, el artículo propone un panorama general de los fundamentos tradicionales del derecho administrativo y su eficacia actual, dentro del marco de una sociedad compleja en permanente conexión con el Estado Social de Derecho. A su vez expone teorías explicativas de la relación mencionada y sus efectos en la producción de normas jurídicas. Por último, expone un estudio de caso para la aplicación de los fundamentos teóricos expuestos en este artículo.

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Este estudio de caso busca analizar la Política Exterior Japonesa en materia económica frente a las dinámicas comerciales tanto de Corea del Sur como del mismo Japón en el Periodo 2001 – 2011, teniendo como objetivo concreto la identificación de la incidencia que tienen dichas dinámicas comerciales, en términos de competitividad por precio y calidad, sobre la Política Exterior Comercial Japonesa (PECJ).

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El propósito de esta investigación es analizar los cambios que trajo consigo la llegada del Partido de la Justicia y Desarrollo al poder (AKP), en Turquía. Este partido se presentó como conservador moderado y democrático y esto le permitió llegar al poder y mantenerlo desde 2001 hasta la actualidad, pues recibió el apoyo de diversos grupos políticos. La noción general que dio el AKP a la opinión pública era que un partido conservador estaba iniciando un proceso democrático real en Turquía. Sin embargo, el líder del AKP y sus seguidores viraron, desde el 2007, hacia el islamismo. Usando la teoría del clivaje social, propuesta Stein Rokkan y Seymour Lipset, se intenta demostrar que los cambios realizados por el AKP fueron una estrategia para blindarse en el poder, pero el sistema de partidos mantuvo la lógica de los clivajes tradicionales y el clivaje islamismo-kemalismo se consolidó como el principal.

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Esta investigación se centra en la Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) como organización política. Intenta responder dos interrogantes primordiales: 1) ¿cómo la FIFA ha constituido el poder que tiene actualmente y, así, hacerse del monopolio indiscutido del fútbol? Y 2) ¿cómo ha cambiado en el tiempo la política interna de FIFA y su vínculo con la política internacional? Para lograr esto, se realiza un estudio histórico, basado principalmente en documentos, que intenta caracterizar y analizar los cambios de la organización en el tiempo. Se enfatizan las últimas dos presidencias de FIFA, de João Havelange y Joseph Blatter, como casos de estudio.

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The pharmaceutical domain represents a type of internationalised policy network theorised in recent writings on neo-liberalism, neo-corporatism and governance. This article presents an analysis of developments in prescription drug regulation in Australia. A relatively stable, state-managed pattern of interaction has been superseded by less closed exchange, and the government itself has fragmented into agencies pursuing different objectives. Developments in the three core regulatory areas are described: safety and efficacy controls, social policy (access and equity), and state support for industry (economic) development. Consensus-building occurs within the context of the National Medicines Policy. The pharmaceutical industry, represented by Medicines Australia, has a stake in all aspects of pharmaceutical policy and regulation, and draws upon unique resources (expertise and lobbying capacity). The context for the developments described is Australia's abandonment of a protectionist version of the Keynesian welfare national state in favour of the model of the competition state, which is oriented towards support for the growth of high technology industries such as pharmaceuticals, premised on partnerships with business.

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The artist is frequently uncertain, when he or she begins to create a work, how the completed work will look or sound. However, the corporate business model, which is premised on a rational and instrumental worldview, suggests that in a market environment, art should be evaluated objectively, based on clearly stated and measurable objectives - often prior to that work being commenced. This paper explores the difficulties that art has in fitting into a corporatist worldview. First, the paper examines the historical materialization of the corporate model, and how it has infiltrated non-profit arts. Second, the paper investigates the likely reasons as to why instrumental rationality and managerialism have been embraced so enthusiastically by bureaucrats, arts marketers and funders. And third, the paper suggests a research approach by which artists, managers and audiences can evaluate art within a framework that is sympathetic to the art and the artist.

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In 2007–8, more than 100 Wal-Mart stores in China established trade unions, which were praised by labour organizations and scholars throughout the world. This article questions these positive assessments and evaluations through an empirical study. The empirical findings reveal a dark and unpleasant picture of a double cooptation in that both the Chinese government and Wal-Mart have successfully coopted a few more or less independent unions. Although the presence of the trade union seems to challenge Wal-Mart’s neoliberal corporate ideology and governance, the compromise and tacit agreement between Wal-Mart and the party-state not only reflects a marriage of convenience but also indicates some deeper compatibility, the compatibility between China’s state corporatist model and the neoliberal approach taken by Wal-Mart. This study finds that China continues to move in a ‘state corporatist’ direction and that the transition towards civil society and ‘societal corporatism’ has been stymied.