Stately homes in America from colonial times to the present day,

Mode of access: Internet.

Bibliotheca brasiliense, Catalogo annotado dos livros sobre o Brasil e de alguns autographos e manuscritos pertencentes a J.C. Rodrigues. Pate 1. Descobrimento da America: Brasil colonial, 1492-1822.

Mode of access: Internet.

The Federal and State constitutions : colonial charters, and other organic laws of the states, territories, and colonies now or heretofore forming the United States of America. /

List of authorities: v. 1, p. xv-xxxv.

Colonial furniture in America,

Plates, not included in paging, accompanied by guard sheets with descriptive letterpress.

The story of American painting; the evolution of painting in America from colonial times to the present,

Plates printed on both sides.

A book of Strattons; being a collection of Stratton records from England and Scotland, and a genealogical history of the early colonial Strattons in America, with five generations of their descendants;

Volume II has imprint: New York, F. H. Hitchcock.

The pioneer mothers of America ; a record of the more notable women of the early days of the country, and particularly of the colonial and revolutionary periods /

Title within ornamental border.

Bibliotheca brasiliense [!] : Catalogo annotado dos livros sobre o Brasil e de alguns autographos e manuscriptos pertencentes a J.C. Rodrigues ... Parte 1. Descobrimento da America: Brasil colonial. 1492-1822.

200 copies printed.

Republicanism in America : a history of the colonial and republican governments of the United States of America from the year 1607 to the year 1869 : to which are added constitutions, proclamations, platforms, resolutions ... : also a brief history of all the existing republics in the world /

Includes index.

Pre-colonial institutions and long-run development in Latin America

The present doctoral thesis studies the association between pre-colonial institutions and long-run development in Latin America. The thesis is organised as follows: Chapter 1 places the motivation of the thesis by underlying relevant contributions in the literature on long-run development. I then set out the main objective of the thesis, followed by a brief outline of it. In Chapter 2, I study the effects of pre-colonial institutions on present-day socioeconomic outcomes for Latin America. The main thesis of this chapter is that more advanced pre-colonial institutions relate to better socioeconomic outcomes today - principally, but not only, through their effects on the Amerindian population. I test such hypothesis with a dataset of 324 sub-national administrative units covering all mainland Latin American countries. The extensive range of controls covers factors such as climate, location, natural resources, colonial activities and pre-colonial characteristics - plus country fixed effects. Results strongly support the main thesis. In Chapter 3, I further analyse the association between pre-colonial institutions and present-day economic development in Latin America by using the historical ethnic homelands as my main unit of analysis. The main hypothesis is that ethnic homelands inhabited by more advanced ethnic groups -as measured by their levels of institutional complexity- relate to better economic development today. To track these long-run effects, I construct a new dataset by digitising historiographical maps allowing me to pinpoint the geospatial location of ethnic homelands as of the XVI century. As a result, 375 ethnic homelands are created. I then capture the levels of economic development at the ethnic homeland level by making use of alternative economic measures --satellite light density data. After controlling for country-specific characteristics and applying a large battery of geographical, locational, and historical factors, I found that the effects of pre-colonial institutions relate to a higher light density --as a proxy for economic activity- in ethnic homelands where more advanced ethnic groups lived. In Chapter 4, I explore a mechanism linking the persistence of pre-colonial institutions in Latin America over the long-run: Colonial and post-colonial strategies along with the ethnic political capacity worked in tandem allowing larger Amerindian groups to "support" the new political systems in ways that would benefit their respective ethnic groups as well as the population at large. This mechanism may have allowed the effects of pre-colonial institutions to influence socioeconomic development outcomes up to today. To shed lights on this mechanism, I combine the index of pre-colonial institutions prepared for the second chapter of the present thesis with individual-level survey data on people's attitudes. By controlling for key observable and unobservable country-specific characteristics, the main empirical results show that areas with a history of more advanced pre-colonial institutions increase the probability of individuals supporting present-day political institutions. Finally, in Chapter 5, I summarise the main findings of the thesis, and emphasise the key weaknesses of the study as well as potential avenues for future research.

The Liminality of Cosmopolitanism from the Global South – Transnational Activists in Costa Rica between Colonial Legacies and Decolonial Attitudes

The Master’s thesis examines whether and how decolonial cosmopolitanism is empirically traceable in the attitudes and practices of Costa Rican activists working in transnational advocacy organizations. Decolonial cosmopolitanism is defined as a form of cosmopolitanism from below that aims to propose ways of imagining – and putting into practice – a truly globe-encompassing civic community not based on relations of domination but on horizontal dialogue. This concept has been developed by and shares its basic presumptions with the theory on coloniality that the modernity/coloniality/decoloniality research group is putting forward. It is analyzed whether and how the workings of coloniality as underlying ontological assumption of decolonial cosmopolitanism and broadly subsumable under the three logics of race, capitalism, and knowledge, are traceable in intermediate postcolonial transnational advocacy in Costa Rica. The method of analysis chosen to approach these questions is content analysis, which is used for the analysis of qualitative semi-structured in-depth interviews with Costa Rican activists working in advocacy organizations with transnational ties. Costa Rica was chosen as it – while unquestionably a Latin American postcolonial country and thus within the geo-political context in which the concept was developed – introduces a complex setting of socio-cultural and political factors that put the explanatory potential of the concept to the test. The research group applies the term ‘coloniality’ to describe how the social, political, economic, and epistemic relations developed during the colonization of the Americas order global relations and sustain Western domination still today through what is called the logic of coloniality. It also takes these processes as point of departure for imagining how counter-hegemonic contestations can be achieved through the linking of local struggles to a global community that is based on pluriversality. The issues that have been chosen as most relevant expressions of the logic of coloniality in the context of Costa Rican transnational advocacy and that are thus empirically scrutinized are national identity as ‘white’ exceptional nation with gender equality (racism), the neoliberalization of advocacy in the Global South (capitalism), and finally Eurocentrism, but also transnational civil society networks as first step in decolonizing civic activism (epistemic domination). The findings of this thesis show that the various ways in which activists adopt practices and outlooks stemming from the center in order to empower themselves and their constituencies, but also how their particular geo-political position affects their work, cannot be reduced to one single logic of coloniality. Nonetheless, the aspects of race, gender, capitalism and epistemic hegemony do undeniably affect activist cosmopolitan attitudes and transnational practices. While the premisses on which the concept of decolonial cosmopolitanism is based suffer from some analytical drawbacks, its importance is seen in its ability to take as point of departure the concrete spaces in which situated social relations develop. It thus allows for perceiving the increasing interconnectedness between different levels of social and political organizing as contributing to cosmopolitan visions combining local situatedness with global community as normative horizon that have not only influenced academic debate, but also political projects.

Alvará de Ley, por que V. Magestade he servido declarar, que os vassallos deste Reino, e da America, que casarem com indias della, não ficaõ com infamia alguma, antes se faraõ dignos da sua Real attençaõ, e faraõ preferidos nas terras, em que se estabelecerem, para os lugares, e occupações, que couberem na graduaçaõ de suas pessoas; e seus filhos, e descendentes seraõ habeis, e capazes de qualquer emprego, honra, ou dignidade, sem que necessitem de dispensa alguma, em razaõ destas alianças, em que se comprehendem as que já se achaõ feitas antes desta resoluçaõ; e que o mesmo se praticará com os portuguezes, que casarem com indios, e os seus filhos, e descendentes, como assima se declara : para V. Magestade ver

Coleção Marcio Moreira Alves.

A Câmara Municipal do Rio de Janeiro, das invasões corsárias ao governo de Luis Vahia Monteiro (1710 a 1732): uma história de conflitos pelo uso do território colonial.

As câmaras municipais constituíram-se em um dos mais notáveis mecanismos de manutenção do vasto império ultramarino português. Originavam-se dos antigos conselhos medievais, aglutinavam os interesses das elites coloniais ao serem compostas pelos homens bons da colônia, detinham considerável poder sobre a sociedade local além de terem a liberdade de representar ao rei de Portugal seus anseios ou dificuldades. Paralelo, ao poder do senado da câmara municipal, encontravam-se as autoridades nomeadas pelo rei de Portugal: governadores coloniais. Este compartilhamento do poder na colônia gerava, muitas vezes, conflitos entre a câmara municipal e os funcionários régios. No Rio de Janeiro, setecentista, vários fatores internos e externos à colônia deterioraram as relações entre os governadores coloniais e os membros do senado.Tal situação agrava-se com as incursões corsárias francesas de 1710 e 1711 que demonstraram a fragilidade do império português que há muito deixara de ter um poder naval significativo, perdendo espaços para potências como a França, Inglaterra e Holanda. Incapaz de conter os inimigos no vasto oceano, desprovido de meios navais capazes de patrulhar os litorais de suas colônias na África, Ásia e América, em especial o do Brasil, o império português dependia cada vez mais dos recursos humanos de suas colônias para a manutenção do seu território ultramarino. A corte portuguesa sofreu duro impacto com a conquista da cidade do Rio de Janeiro por Duguay-Trouin e, ao longo dos próximos anos, procurou fortalecer o sistema defensivo de sua colônia com o envio de tropas e navios além da construção de novas fortalezas e o reaparelhamento do sistema defensivo já existente.Todo este esforço para a guerra era bancado, em sua maior parte, com recursos da própria colônia do Rio de Janeiro. Obviamente este ônus não agradava a incipiente elite mercantil que florescia na colônia resultando no fato de que a política de enclausurar o Rio de Janeiro entre muralhas e fortificações, ás custas da economia colonial, colocou em campos opostos os funcionários do rei e os membros do senado por várias vezes nas primeiras décadas do século XVIII. Surgiram inevitáveis conflitos pelo uso e posse do território urbano do Rio de Janeiro cada vez mais pontilhado por fortalezas, sulcado por extensas valas e trincheiras a impedir-lhe o crescimento urbano. Além do conflito territorial, em função da expansão da atividade mercantil desenvolvida pelos colonos, as disputas comerciais envolveram as elites locais, ávidas por lucros e impulsionadas ao comércio devido à descoberta do ouro na região das Minas, e as autoridades e comerciantes lusos, uns querendo controlar a atividade comercial que crescia em acelerado ritmo, outros querendo lucrar e disputar espaços com as elites coloniais locais. No meio destes embates encontrava-se a Câmara Municipal do Rio de Janeiro, objetivo maior desta pesquisa, a defender os interesses das elites da colônia, pois delas era representante. Era uma disputa em que, muitas vezes, seus membros pagaram com a perda da liberdade e dos seus bens frente a governadores coloniais mais intolerantes

Visual Disobedience: The Geopolitics of Experimental Art in Central America, 1990-Present

This dissertation centers on the relationship between art and politics in postwar Central America as materialized in the specific issues of racial and gendered violence that derive from the region's geopolitical location and history. It argues that the decade of the 1990s marks a moment of change in the region's cultural infrastructure, both institutionally and conceptually, in which artists seek a new visual language of experimental art practices to articulate and conceptualize a critical understanding of place, experience and knowledge. It posits that visual and conceptual manifestations of violence in Central American performance, conceptual art and installation extend beyond a critique of the state, and beyond the scope of political parties in perpetuating violent circumstances in these countries. It argues that instead artists use experimental practices in art to locate manifestations of racial violence in an historical system of domination and as a legacy of colonialism still witnessed, lived, and learned by multiple subjectivities in the region. In this postwar period artists move beyond the cold-war rhetoric of the previous decades and instead root the current social and political injustices in what Aníbal Quijano calls the `coloniality of power.' Through an engagement of decolonial methodologies, this dissertation challenges the label "political art" in Central America and offers what I call "visual disobedience" as a response to the coloniality of seeing. I posit that visual colonization is yet another aspect of the coloniality of power and indispensable to projects of decolonization. It offers an analysis of various works to show how visual disobedience responds specifically to racial and gender violence and the equally violent colonization of visuality in Mesoamerica. Such geopolitical critiques through art unmask themes specific to life and identity in contemporary Central America, from indigenous genocide, femicide, transnational gangs, to mass imprisonments and a new wave of social cleansing. I propose that Central American artists--beyond an anti-colonial stance--are engaging in visual disobedience so as to construct decolonial epistemologies in art, through art, and as art as decolonial gestures for healing.

'Dare the boist'rous main': the role of the Belfast Newsletter in the process of emigration from Ulster to North America 1760-1800

Before the mass migrations from Ireland in the nineteenth century, earlier waves of migration in the eighteenth century saw significant numbers of people leave Ireland, predominantly from Ulster, to settle in North America. This article, using as its principal data source the Belfast News Letter ( BNL), its letters, advertisements and reports, focuses firstly on reconstructing the late eighteenth-century migration process and voyage, highlighting the barriers represented by the Atlantic Ocean. In addition to the challenges of the sea, there were problems with the ships, the ever-present danger of disease and also threats from other vessels, from privateers to press gangs. The voyage was recognized as a ‘universal dread’, and the risks taken to ‘dare the boist’rous main’ were perhaps not minimized in the pages of the BNL, whose editorial stance was antipathetic to the migration for the potential harm it caused to Ulster by removing so many of its industrious young. The second part of this article goes on to consider the newspaper’s and others’ vested interests in the emigration process, demonstrates how these were manifested in the press and sets the coverage of this very significant early emigration flow within the context of contemporary religious and colonial discourses at a period of very lively transatlantic interactions.