994 resultados para Civil associations


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Small non-profit organisations play a vital role in the creation of social capital and resilience of civil society in Australia. A number of government inquiries have recently been commissioned to propose reform to non-profit enterprise and it is timely to examine the suitability of legal structures available for small non-profit organisations. This article reviews the characteristics of small Australian non-profit organisations and the legal treatment of similar associations in New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Europe, Canada and United States to inform possible reform strategies. Reforms are then proposed for small Australian unincorporated organisations which allow them access to the benefits of separate legal entity status, but with regulation proportionate to the risks posed to the broader community.

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Background Understanding how different socioeconomic indicators are associated with transport modes provide insight into which interventions might contribute to reducing socioeconomic inequalities in health. The purpose of this study was to examine associations between neighbourhood-level socioeconomic disadvantage, individual-level socioeconomic position (SEP) and usual transport mode. Methods This investigation included 11,036 residents from 200 neighbourhoods in Brisbane, Australia. Respondents self-reported their usual transport mode (car or motorbike, public transport, walking or cycling). Indicators for individual-level SEP were education, occupation, and household income; and neighbourhood disadvantage was measured using a census-derived index. Data were analysed using multilevel multinomial logistic regression. High SEP respondents and residents of the most advantaged neighbourhoods who used a private motor vehicle as their usual form of transport was the reference category. Results Compared with driving a motor vehicle, the odds of using public transport were higher for white collar employees (OR1.68, 95%CrI 1.41-2.01), members of lower income households (OR 1.71 95%CrI 1.25-2.30), and residents of more disadvantaged neighbourhoods (OR 1.93, 95%CrI 1.46-2.54); and lower for respondents with a certificate-level education (OR 0.60, 95%CrI 0.49-0.74) and blue collar workers (OR 0.63, 95%CrI 0.50-0.81). The odds of walking for transport were higher for the least educated (OR 1.58, 95%CrI 1.18-2.11), those not in the labour force (OR 1.94, 95%CrI 1.38-2.72), members of lower income households (OR 2.10, 95%CrI 1.23-3.64), and residents of more disadvantaged neighbourhoods (OR 2.73, 95%CrI 1.46-5.24). The odds of cycling were lower among less educated groups (OR 0.31, 95% CrI 0.19-0.48). Conclusion The relationships between socioeconomic characteristics and transport modes are complex, and provide challenges for those attempting to encourage active forms of transportation. Further work is required exploring the individual- and neighbourhood-level mechanisms behind transport mode choice, and what factors might influence individuals from different socioeconomic backgrounds to change to more active transport modes.

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Socioeconomic health inequalities have been widely documented, with a lower social position being associated with poorer physical and general health and higher mortality. For mental health the results have been more varied. However, the mechanisms by which the various dimensions of socioeconomic circumstances are associated with different domains of health are not yet fully understood. This is related to a lack of studies tackling the interrelations and pathways between multiple dimensions of socioeconomic circumstances and domains of health. In particular, evidence from comparative studies of populations from different national contexts that consider the complexity of the causes of socioeconomic health inequalities is needed. The aim of this study was to examine the associations of multiple socioeconomic circumstances with physical and mental health, more specifically physical functioning and common mental disorders. This was done in a comparative setting of two cohorts of white-collar public sector employees, one from Finland and one from Britain. The study also sought to find explanations for the observed associations between economic difficulties and health by analysing the contribution of health behaviours, living arrangements and work-family conflicts. The survey data were derived from the Finnish Helsinki Health Study baseline surveys in 2000-2002 among the City of Helsinki employees aged 40-60 years, and from the fifth phase of the London-based Whitehall II study (1997-9) which is a prospective study of civil servants aged 35-55 years at the time of recruitment. The data collection in the two countries was harmonised to safeguard maximal comparability. Physical functioning was measured with the Short Form (SF-36) physical component summary and common mental disorders with the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-12). Socioeconomic circumstances were parental education, childhood economic difficulties, own education, occupational class, household income, housing tenure, and current economic difficulties. Further explanatory factors were health behaviours, living arrangements and work-family conflicts. The main statistical method used was logistic regression analysis. Analyses were conducted separately for the two sexes and two cohorts. Childhood and current economic difficulties were associated with poorer physical functioning and common mental disorders generally in both cohorts and sexes. Conventional dimensions of socioeconomic circumstances i.e. education, occupational class and income were associated with physical functioning and mediated each other’s effects, but in different ways in the two cohorts: education was more important in Helsinki and occupational class in London. The associations of economic difficulties with health were partly explained by work-family conflicts and other socioeconomic circumstances in both cohorts and sexes. In conclusion, this study on two country-specific cohorts confirms that different dimensions of socioeconomic circumstances are related but not interchangeable. They are also somewhat differently associated with physical and mental domains of health. In addition to conventionally measured dimensions of past and present socioeconomic circumstances, economic difficulties should be taken into account in studies and attempts to reduce health inequalities. Further explanatory factors, particularly conflicts between work and family, should also be considered when aiming to reduce inequalities and maintain the health of employees.

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This study examines the role of immigrant associations in the societal and political integration of immigrants into Finnish society. The societal focus is on the ability of immigrant associations to mobilise their ethnic group members to participate in the socio-economic, cultural and political domains of Finnish society and in certain cases even beyond. The political integrative aims are the opportunities of immigrant associations to participate and represent the interests of their ethnic group in local and national policy making. This study focuses on associations in the Metropolitan Area of Finland, (Espoo, Helsinki and Vantaa).The qualitative research consisted of 71 interviews conducted with members of immigrant associations and civil servants. These interviews were mainly semi-structured, including some additional open-ended questions. Additional data consisted of documents, planning reports and of follow-up enquiries. -- In the analysis of the data I categorised thirty-two immigrant associations according to the activity forms and the description of the goals by the members. The four categories consisted of integrative, societal, ethno-cultural and transnational immigrant associations. Most of the immigrant associations belonged to the integrative category (15 of 32 associations). On the one hand the aims of these associations are to provide access for their ethnic group members into Finnish society, while on the other to strengthen the ethnic identity of their members by organising ethno-cultural activities. The societal associations only focused on activities with the objective of including immigrants into the Finnish labour market and educational system. The goal of ethno-cultural associations was to strengthen the ethnic identity of their ethnic group members. The transnational associations aimed at improving the living conditions of women and children in the members' country of origin. The possibilities for immigrant associations to mobilise their members depends partly on external financing. Subsidies have been allocated for societal activities in particular. There remains a risk of the crowding out of ethno-cultural activities: something which has already taken place in several European countries. Immigrant associations aim to strengthen the identity of immigrants mainly by organising social and ethno-cultural activities. Another important target was to provide peer support and therapy courses. Additionally, immigrant women's associations offer assistance to women who have encountered violence by providing counselling and in some cases access to shelter. The data showed that there is an ever growing need to pay heed to the well-being of women, children and elderly immigrants. The participation of immigrant associations in the municipalities' integrative issues takes place mainly through cooperative projects. Until the end of the 1990s there had not been much cooperation. The problem with the projects was that they had mainly been managed by civil servants, whereas members from immigrant associations had remained in a more passive position. Representation of immigrant associations in councils has been fairly weak. Immigrant associations are included in the multicultural councils of Espoo and Vantaa, but only in the planning stages. The municipality of Helsinki does not include immigrant associations due to the large number of organisations which causes problems in finding fair, democratic representation. At the national level, the ‘Advisory Board for Ethnic Relations’ – ETNO didn’t chose its members based on membership of ethnic associations, but based on belongingness to one of the larger language groups spoken by the foreign population in Finland. Since ETNO’s third period (2005-2007), the representatives of immigrant associations and ethnic minority groups have been chosen from proposed candidates. Key words: immigrant associations, integration, mobilisation, participation, representation, the Metropolitan area of Finland, immigrant (women), civil servants

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This study contexualises the relationship between the armed forces and the civil authority in Ireland using and revising the theoretical framework advanced by Huntington. It tracks the evolution of the idea of a representive body for soldiers in the late 1980s, to the setting up of statutory associations under the Defence Amendment Act 1990. The study considers Irish soldiers political agitation and their use of peaceful democratic activities to achieve their aims. It highlights the fundamental policy arguments that were made against the idea of representation for the army and positions those arguments in the study of civil-military relations. Utilising unique access to secret Department of Defence files, it reveals in-depth ideological arguments advanced by the military authories in Ireland against independent representation. This thesis provides an academic study of the establishment of PDFORRA. It answers key questions regarding the change in the position of Irish government who were categorically opposed to the idea of representation in the army. It illustrates the involvement of other agencies such as the European Organisation of Military Associations (Euromil) reveals reciprocal support by the Irish associations to other emerging groups in Spain. Accessing as yet unpublished Department of Defence files, study analyses tension between the military authorities and the government. It highlights for the first time the role of enlisted personnel in the shaping of new state structures and successfully dismmisses Huntingtons theoretical contention that enlisted personnel are of no consequence in the study of civil-military relations. It fills a gap in our understanding, identified by Finer, as to how politicisation of soldiers takes place. This thesis brings a new dimension to the discipline of civil-military relations and creates new knowledge that will enhance our understanding of an area not covered previously.

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Urban regeneration in Western countries can count on a long-lasting tradition of experiences in which civil society has played a fundamental role in counterbalancing the system of power, resulting in profound urban governance readjustments. This has been the result of the increasing centrality of horizontal alliances between citizens and associations involved in urban affairs since the late 1960s in the West. Similar theoretical frameworks have been applied in China. However, these have frequently resulted in conceptual shortcuts that depict civil society as immature or lacking and the state as authoritarian. This paper will explore whether these categories are still entirely valid to urban regeneration in China. While the regime has traditionally prevented horizontal linkages of associations in urban governance (supporting their vertical integration to ensure a certain degree of soft control), there are signs of change. In particular, three cases of urban regeneration in historic areas will be used to discuss the changing role played by civil society in China. The ultimate goal is to examine whether horizontal linkages across groups of heterogeneous citizens are arising at the micro-level of urban governance.

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In Argentina, the restructuring of the State initially raised as a public policy in the 1980s and in-depth in the ‘ 90s under the neoliberal model accentuated - between other processes, of the administrative  decentralization, which also resulted in new roles awarded to municipalities. That’s how various actors in society charged leadership. The local and urban were the subject of renewed interpretations,  scenarios where practices more fully participatory citizen could be settled. In the neighborhoods  of cities, grass-roots organizations cultivated his role as space intermediation. This article discusses  and reflects on these new roles that launched from the changes in articulation with the municipality  since the mid-’ 80s and ‘ 90s, and problematizes particularly about the contents and scope of participatory practices inside and outside of organizations of civil society in the neo-liberal situation.

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This thesis is an investigation into the Ethiopian Civil Society, with a focus on Muslims’participation and activities. This research is the result of a series of interviews carried on in AddisAbaba during my staying there thank to a scholarship from Pavia University.Chapter One is a general introduction of the study, presenting the object, the methodology anduse of sources as well as the state of the current research of the topics covered by this research.Chapter Two is a framework chapter about Islām in Ethiopia offering an historical perspective aswell as focusing on its characteristics and current developments. Chapter Three deals withEthiopian Civil Society characteristics and with its legal framework. Chapter Four constitutes thecore of this research: in it, I collected the findings of my research describing the presence ofMuslims into Ethiopian Civil Society. I analyzed the activities and characteristics of the differentorganizations and associations that I met in Addis Ababa, their self-representation concerningtheir being related with Islām and their opinions on Muslims’ marginalization and lack of nonpoliticizationin Ethiopia. A set of conclusions constitutes the last section of the thesis.

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This thesis examines the key question: can voluntary associations enhance democracy? It tests critical claims made by Habermas and others that voluntary associations have the potential to reinvigorate a public sphere in a state of atrophy. The thesis outlines the major theoretical arguments pertaining to these areas and then presents the results of empirical work within voluntary organisations. Specifically the thesis: Critically examines the concept of the public sphere, being a sphere between the state and civil society and investigates why theorists have advocated voluntary associations, claimed to be the core institutions of civil society, as sites where democratic ideals can be secured; Goes on to examine the concept of civil society and reviews the recent literature that has attempted to define and analyse the role of voluntary associations in contemporary society; Tests empirically the normative ideals that have been advocated on behalf of voluntary associations through the presentation of data obtained using qualitative methodology. The analysis of the data collected during interviews with key employees and members of six voluntary associations in Melbourne, Australia allows for a more informed knowledge regarding the key concepts and themes of the thesis. The thesis ends by directly addressing the following points: whether or not the public sphere is in a state of atrophy; the particular nature of voluntary associations contemporary engagement in the public sphere; and whether voluntary associations can indeed, be sites where democracy can be enhanced and democratic ideals be secured. It is concluded that voluntary associations operate within Habermasian public spheres, counterspheres, and postmodern public spheres and that unitary notions of the public sphere, such as those Habermas proposes, do not adequately explain voluntary associations engagement in the public sphere. Accordingly, it is concluded that voluntary associations have the potential to invigorate public spheres, though not in ways that many theorists writing on the subject suggest.

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This article examines the nature of community and family by using the concept of civil society through a Twelve Step group called Al-Anon. Al-Anon is related to Alcoholics Anonymous and is a support group for families of alcoholics. The concept of civil society is addressed by looking at its development in political philosophy and sociology. The work of Putnam, in particular, is used to understand how civil society and the associations which make it up develop social capital [Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy, Princeton University Press (1993); Journal of Democracy, 6(1), 65-78 (1995); The Responsive Community, 5(2), 18-33 (1995)]. Social capital is understood to be norms and values such as trust and reciprocity that enable sociability or social connectedness. Community, then, embodies these norms of trust and reciprocity through their development in Al-Anon. Al-Anon is studied as an example of an association in civil society. The data come from an ethnographic study in Australia and five European countries as well as in-depth interviews with women members in Australia. The article reviews the similarities and differences between the various countries as well as the form that social capital takes for individual members.

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One of the main features of Brazilian civil society in the nineties is the widespread presence of nongovernamental organizations, religious and secular associations, and the emergence of private foundations as a social mediator midway state and market institutions. This research is a bibliographical discussion of the Social Sciences literature about these organizations, pertinent with their quantitative and qualitative profiles and scope of actions, identities and future role in the construction of the active citizenship in Brasil.

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As organizações da sociedade civil e suas formas de atuação têm ganhado importância tanto na sociedade como nos estudos acadêmicos. Uma das suas formas de atuação que vem se destacando é o papel de influenciar políticas públicas, também conhecido por advocacy, advocacy em políticas públicas e lobbying, dependendo do contexto e país de análise. O significado de advocacy e como esse fenômeno se manifesta constituem o foco deste estudo exploratório que busca, por meio de revisão da literatura, de entrevistas em profundidade e estudos de casos, comparar a atuação de três organizações da sociedade civil: o Independent Sector nos Estados Unidos, o Grupo de Institutos, Fundações e Empresas (GIFE) e a Associação Brasileira de Organizações não Governamentais (ABONG) no Brasil. Essas organizações se caracterizam por ser associações que representam outras organizações da sociedade civil e fazem advocacy em políticas públicas como parte de sua estratégia. É analisado como ocorre esse advocacy e qual o papel dessa forma de atuação dentro de um contexto de democracia deliberativa que pressupõe a discussão, a deliberação por parte dos cidadãos na esfera pública, de assuntos de seu interesse, como a elaboração, a execução e o monitoramento de políticas públicas.

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The companies are part of an important segment of the society, besides, it exercises a significant contribution, being also responsible for helping in the improvement of the quality of life of the population. Like this being, to present research looked for to investigate the perception that the entrepreneurs of the building site of Aracaju/SE have concerning the theme Business Social Responsibility (RSE). besides the perceptions, it was part also of the research, to know the entrepreneur's of the building site social construction and the possible practices of Social Responsibility. The research grew in two different moments. The first looked for the theoretical embasamento, trying to study the economical sociology, understanding the effects provoked by the economy, understanding to you reason them that you/they took to the appearance of the perceptions that you/they permeate the historicity among the market, the nascedouro of the associations as company and his/her dynamics in the society. It was also researched, the concept of social responsibility in national and local extent, as well as, the contextualização of the state of Sergipe, detaching the municipal district of Aracaju, and describing how it happened his/her development starting from what is considered urbanization. In the second moment, the accomplishment of interviews in five companies, allowed to notice the entrepreneurs' perception concerning business social responsibility, as well as, actions of different characteristics in four of the samples. In these actions, they are patronage in cultural events, donations of projects for charity institutions, the concern with the preservation of the environment in the use of work materials ecologically correct, preventive health and employees' training. Concluding the research, I introduce the conclusions which it allowed to arrive me, and I point some suggestions for future researches that enlarge the reflection on this theme

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This report has as its objective the setting up of a social cartography, mapping and characterizing non-governmental organizations working with adolescents and young people (OSC) in the western districts of the city of Natal. Characteristics such as the profile, themes and principal activities, how the organizations fit into the public sector and their participation in social networks are observed. Thus common differences and similarities which serve as a means of indentification, take as reference the symbolic cartography of Boaventura of Sousa Santos. Since there are relatively few studies relating to civil society of Rio Grande do Norte and in particular, Natal, the starting point was the setting up of a database allowing for a general overview. Hence a panorama of the organizations could be observed: where they are located, when they were formed how they operate and their relationships with other sectors (the state, the market and civil society) in addition to basic facts and location. The principal lines of enquiry were a) the OSC which operate with the public comprising adolescents and young people and b) the OSC operating or having branches in four suburbs on the periphery of the western administrative region of the city (Felipe Camarão, Bom Pastor, Cidade Nova and Guararapes).The present report has identified the impacts of ongoing social transformation caused by the process of globalization ,by the various currently contested political projects which are as follows: the project of neoliberal globalized capitalism(hegemonic)and the project of social emancipation (contra-hegemonic),how these are seen from the local viewpoint and how they influence the profiles and operation of the cartographic organizations. The area of the OSC is a heterogenous one with political, cultural and ideological strains, characterized by its infiltration, its local/global and multicultural dimensions. As civil organizations are fundamental in the processes of transformation within society, and following the idea of social emancipation referred to by Boaventura Santos, the enquiry classified the organizations according to the afore-mentioned characteristics, establishing eight types of associations. These different types and their respective characteristics were analysed from a related perspective using the mechanisms of symbolic cartography: scale, projection and symbolisation. The theoretical references underpinning this research arise from the debate on civil society which becomes redefined as a result of the dispute involving the two afore-mentioned political projects. These demand the theoretical application of the comprehension of heterogeneity in its diversity and complexity together with the idea of social emancipation.The main authors consulted were Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Antonio Gramsci, through the texts translated by Marco Aurelio Nogueira; Carlos Nelson Coutinho and Alberto Rivera ,who supported the construction of the types of associations identified by the local reality.Finally this research enabled an understanding of the current form of social action happening in the Space of the Four Neighbourhoods (Espaço dos 4 Bairros) and how the distinct profiles analysed together with the ares of operation of the organizations define their emancipatory potencials within the following two poles: regulation/adaptation and emancipation/transformation

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ABSTRACT: BACKGROUND: Sierra Leone has undergone a decade of civil war from 1991 to 2001. From this period few data on immunization coverage are available, and conflict-related delays in immunization according to the Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI) schedule have not been investigated. We aimed to study delays in childhood immunization in the context of civil war in a Sierra Leonean community. METHODS: We conducted an immunization survey in Kissy Mess-Mess in the Greater Freetown area in 1998/99 using a two-stage sampling method. Based on immunization cards and verbal history we collected data on immunization for tuberculosis, diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, polio, and measles by age group (0-8/9-11/12-23/24-35 months). We studied differences between age groups and explored temporal associations with war-related hostilities taking place in the community. RESULTS: We included 286 children who received 1690 vaccine doses; card retention was 87%. In 243 children (85%, 95% confidence interval (CI): 80-89%) immunization was up-to-date. In 161 of these children (56%, 95%CI: 50-62%) full age-appropriate immunization was achieved; in 82 (29%, 95%CI: 24-34%) immunization was not appropriate for age. In the remaining 43 children immunization was partial in 37 (13%, 95%CI: 9-17) and absent in 6 (2%, 95%CI: 1-5). Immunization status varied across age groups. In children aged 9-11 months the proportion with age-inappropriate (delayed) immunization was higher than in other age groups suggesting an association with war-related hostilities in the community. CONCLUSION: Only about half of children under three years received full age-appropriate immunization. In children born during a period of increased hostilities, immunization was mostly inappropriate for age, but recommended immunizations were not completely abandoned. Missing or delayed immunization represents an additional threat to the health of children living in conflict areas.