43 resultados para Bildungsorganisation


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This paper explores the extent to which latest developments in the Technical and Vocational Education and Training System in South Africa respond to key principles espoused for a developmental, democratic and inclusionary ideal. The White Paper for post school education and training approved by Cabinet in November, 2013 is referred to by the Minister as the “definitive statement of the governments vision for the post school system” and as such represents a crucial strategy document intended to chart the TVET direction to 2030. Using key theoretical constructs from development theory, this paper provides an assessment of the TVET strategy contained is the paper and explores the extent to which it does respond to the agenda defined by the promise. It is argued that the challenges outlined are not yet able to provide the blueprint for a TVET transformative vision. It is concluded that while the development rhetoric contained in the paper is plausible, the creative tinkering of the system is unlikely to lead to the radical revisioning necessary for a truly transformative TVET system. The underlying assumptions regarding purpose, impact and outcome will need to be carefully reconsidered if the system is to be responsive to the promises of the democratic developmental ideal to which the government is committed. (DIPF/Orig.)

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The EU represents a transforming educational space, where national and supranational boundaries in educational governance are becoming blurred. The EU has become an important actor in educational governance and an important arena for policy learning and transfer. This paper explores how the process of reshaping the educational space manifests itself in the process of the Europeanization of VET policy in the case of Estonia. In Estonia, this process was followed by the growth of executive VET institutions and has developed from rather uncritical initial policy transfer to more active learning from the EU, although conformism can still be seen in cases of the introduction of standardizing policy tools. (DIPF/Orig.)

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Rezension von: Petra Flieger / Volker Schönwiese (Hrsg.): Menschenrechte – Integration – Inklusion, Aktuelle Perspektiven aus der Forschung, Bad Heilbrunn: Klinkhardt 2011 (256 S.; ISBN 978-3-7815-1793-6)

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Rezension von: Andreas Knoke / Anja Durdel (Hrsg.): Steuerung im Bildungswesen, Zur Zusammenarbeit von Ministerien, Schulaufsicht und Schulleitungen, Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften 2011 (166 S.; ISBN 978-3-531-17888-2)

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Rezension von: Lisa Pfahl: Techniken der Behinderung, Der deutsche Lernbehindertendiskurs, die Sonderschule und ihre Auswirkungen auf Bildungsbiografien, Bielefeld: transcript 2011 (276 S.; ISBN 978-3-8376-1532-6)

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Im Windschatten dieser Entwicklungen erweist sich eine alte Lösung, die einmal als gescheitert galt, als das zukunftsträchtige Modell. Kollegschulen sollten in NRW einmal das gegliederte System durch ein Stufenschulsystem ablösen mit der Pointe, dass in der Oberstufe Berufsbildung und Allgemeinbildung integriert werden. Auf diese Weise sollte das Entweder-Oder höherer oder niederer Abschlüsse in der Form der Wahl zwischen Studium und Beruf aufgehoben werden. Spätestens Ende der achtziger Jahre des vergangenen Jahrhunderts galt dieses Modell als erschöpft, und so wurde die Reform folglich zu einem „Berufskolleg“ normalisiert, mit dem es so schien, als ob das Systemproblem unerledigt blieb. Nun aber lässt sich beobachten, dass die Nachfragenden verstanden haben, welche Chancen sich ergeben, wenn man beim Übergang in die Sekundarstufe II statt der Wahl zwischen Beruf und Abitur den Wechsel in eine Form nutzt, die die Option auf beides gleichzeitig bietet. Die folgenden Darstellungen markieren mit einfachen statistischen Mitteln die gegebenen Übergangsprobleme und sie zeigen dann, wie das Berufskolleg in NRW zu einem anderen Bildungswahlverhalten führt, das als solches nicht die Probleme des Beschäftigungssystems, aber doch die hausgemachten des Bildungssystems zu lösen verspricht. (DIPF/Orig.)

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Im Folgenden soll durch eine Kontrastierung der aktuellen deutschen Debatte um kommunale Bildungslandschaften mit dem englisch-amerikanischen Ansatz der Community Education aufgezeigt werden, dass erstere ob ihrer spezifischen Interessenlagen blinde Flecken aufweist, insbesondere was das Verständnis von Bildung angeht. Es kann bezweifelt werden, dass zumeist implizit bleibende Bildungsbegriffe in der Rede von kommunaler Bildung, mit dem – expliziten – Anliegen der Reduktion von Bildungsdisparitäten und der Ermöglichung von Teilhabe vereinbar sind. Ziel des Beitrags ist es, eine kritische Debatte über kommunale Bildung und deren Organisation zu beginnen, bei der Bildung als öffentliches Gut (z.B. Lohmann 2003) verstanden wird und die Beteiligung aller Akteure im Zentrum steht. (DIPF/Orig.)

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The report on the findings of extensive empirical research on equality of educational opportunities carried out in the US on a very large sample of public schools by Coleman and his colleagues has had a major impact on education policy and has given rise to a large amount of research and various interpretations. However, as some interpreters have highlighted, even more important than the findings of the survey themselves has been Coleman’s redefinition of equality of opportunity, abandoning the then prevailing conception of equality of educational opportunities as equality of starting points and replacing it with the concept of equality of educational opportunities as equality of educational outcomes. The question is, therefore, whether equality of outcomes really is one of the two types of equality of opportunity. The purpose of the present article is to show that equality of opportunity and equality of outcomes are two different types of equality. If they are different, the interpretation that Coleman has redefined the concept of “equality of educational opportunity” turns out to be incorrect. (DIPF/Orig.)

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The present paper examines some of the tensions, problems and challenges associated with claims for equality of opportunity (the fairness argument). The introductory part identifies three separate forms of justification for public education, including the argument associated with equality of opportunity. Part II examines in detail two questions that reveal part of the anatomy of equality of opportunity: (1) what an opportunity is, and (2) when individuals’ opportunities are equal. This is followed by a presentation of the two basic principles of equality of opportunity: (1) the principle of non-discrimination, and (2) the “levelling the playing field” principle. The next part takes up the multiculturalist hypothesis advanced by minority groups for the accommodation and recognition of cultural diversity. This is followed by the identification of a set of claims comprising the “fairness argument”. The last section focuses on the “currency problem” associated with cultural diversity as a form of “unfair disadvantage”. Part V examines two of the major shortcomings associated with the multicultural conception of equality of opportunity, while the concluding part discusses some of the questions that must be answered by any conception of equal opportunities. (DIPF/Orig.)

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In the present paper, we discuss the time before the “age of reports”. Besides the Coleman Report in the period of Coleman, the Lady Plowden Report also appeared, while there were important studies in France (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1964; Peyre, 1959) and studies that inaugurated comprehensive education in Nordic countries. We focus on the period after the World War II, which was marked by rising economic nationalism, on the one hand, and by the second wave of mass education, on the other, bearing the promise of more equality and a reduction of several social inequalities, both supposed to be ensured by school. It was a period of great expectations related to the power of education and the rise of educational meritocracy. On this background, in the second part of the paper, the authors attempt to explore the phenomenon of the aforementioned reports, which significantly questioned the power of education and, at the same time, enabled the formation of evidence-based education policies. In this part of the paper, the central place is devoted to the case of socialist Yugoslavia/Slovenia and its striving for more equality and equity through education. Through the socialist ideology of more education for all, socialist Yugoslavia, with its exaggerated stress on the unified school and its overemphasised belief in simple equality, overstepped the line between relying on comprehensive education as an important mechanism for increasing the possibility of more equal and just education, on the one hand, and the myth of the almighty unified school capable of eradicating social inequalities, especially class inequalities, on the other. With this radical approach to the reduction of inequalities, socialist policy in the then Yugoslavia paradoxically reduced the opportunity for greater equality, and even more so for more equitable education. (DIPF/Orig.)

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The concept of equal opportunity for all students is deeply embedded in the Serbian constitution and in education laws. On that level, there is no doubt that everyone is ensured an opportunity to receive quality education. Many measures in education policy have been created specifically to achieve this objective and make the system fair and inclusive. The Coleman Report was linked to a wave of optimism that certain educational measures would help in achieving these noble goals. This aim is a high priority in education in a democratic country, and due to its importance needs to be re-examined. Thus, the present research examines the equity of students in the Serbian education system, detecting areas on all educational levels that could be (or already are) systemic sources of inequity (e.g., criteria for preschool institution enrolment, the system of student awards, rationalisation of the school network, the concept of entrance exams to secondary school or university, etc.). A number of measures have already been taken in the system specifically to deal with inequity (e.g., the Preschool Preparatory Programme, dropout measures, inclusion, scholarships, etc.). The effects of these measures in particular are analysed in the present work. In addition to an analysis of the systemic sources of inequity in the Serbian education system, the article also makes recommendations for their overcoming. (DIPF/Orig.)

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Der vorliegende Wiederabdruck eines 1937 publizierten Textes rückt die Aktualität der damaligen bildungspolitischen Reformbemühungen zur Schulzeitverkürzung und Studiendauer in den Vordergrund. (DIPF/Bal)

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Das Wort Transparenz ist aus den aktuellen, öffentlichen Debatten um Informationsfreiheit nicht mehr wegzudenken. Doch wer den Transparenzdiskurs ausschließlich auf politischer Ebene im Kontext von Whistleblowern, Wikileaks, NSA-Affäre oder Piraten-Partei verortet, verkennt, dass Transparenz, wie Han feststellt, als ein systematischer Zwang wirkt, der alle gesellschaftlichen Bereiche – also auch das Bildungswesen – erfasst und sie tiefgreifend verändert. [...] Die Hattie-Studie markiert hier einen besonderen Höhepunkt, da sie alle bisher veröffentlichten Studien an Umfang und Aufwand deutlich übertrifft und dabei den Anspruch erhebt, Lernen und Lehren sichtbar zu machen. Doch welches Recht hat der Sehende auf das Sichtbar-zu-Machende? Wer profitiert hier? Unter welchen Bedingungen kann der oder die Durch-Schaute diese Veräußerung des Selbst verweigern, d.h. seine bzw. ihre Undurchschaubarkeit geltend machen? Welche anthropologischen und gesellschaftlichen Konsequenzen folgen aus dem Anspruch, den Menschen durchschaubar zu machen? Und dürfen bzw. können wir die Preisgabe von Geheimnissen bedenkenlos fordern? Bevor diese Fragen rund um die Hattie-Studie erörtert werden, sei zum Zwecke eines tieferen Verständnisses zunächst nach der Herkunft dieses Transparenztraums und des damit verbundenen Strebens nach Durch-Sichtigkeit von Mensch und Gesellschaft gefragt. (DIPF/Orig.)