979 resultados para Ativismo judicial estrutural


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In Brazil, social rights have always been considered secondary legal categories, whose implementation could wait for the pending of political decisions. At the end of the Second World War, International Law emphasizes the protection of human beings, raising his dignity as a legal pillar of the legal orders and one of the main foundations of Constitutions. At the post-positivism Constitutionalism, the realization of social rights receives special attention with the assumption of supremacy and normativity of the Constitutions, while the judiciary participates in the realization of democracy, not only as applicator of laws, but also as the guardian of constitutionality of the acts and administrative omissions, creatively contributing to the constitutional achievement, filling gaps and normative state omissions. In this aspect, the supply of medicines, whose costs can not be supported by the individual, keep a close connection with the right to life, health and dignity of the human being, as the subject of numerous lawsuits directed against the Public Administration. Such phenomenon has caused intense debate regarding judicial activism and legitimacy of these decisions, particularly on the need to define what are the limits and possibilities considering the principle of separation of powers and the principle of reserve of the possible; bieng this the problematic developed in this research. Thus, this research aims to verify the legitimacy of judicial decisions that determines to the Public Administration the compulsory providing of medicine to those who can not afford the cost of their treatment, as well as, contribute to the dogmatic constructions of parameters to be observed by judicial interference. Regarding the methodology, this research has an investigative and descriptive caracter and an theoretical approach based on bibliographical data collection (judicial and doutrine decisions) that received qualitative treatment and dialectical approach. As a result, it is known that the judicial decision that determines the supply of medicines to those individuals who can not afford them with their own resources is legitimate and complies with the democratic principle, not violating the principle of separation of powers and the reserve of the possible, since the judicial decison is not stripped with an uniform and reasonable criteria, failing to contain high burden of subjectivism and witch signifies a possible exacerbation of functions by the judiciary, suffering, in this case, of requirement of legal certainty. It is concluded that the Court decision that determines the government the providing of medicine to those who can not afford the cost of treatment should be based on parameters such as: the protection of human dignity and the minimum existencial principle, the inafastable jurisdiction principle; compliance critique of the possible reserve principle; subsidiarity of judicial intervention; proportionality (quantitative and qualitative) in the content of the decision; the questioning about the reasons for non-delivery of the drug through administrative via; and, finally, the attention not to turn the judiciary into a mere production factor of the pharmaceutical industry, contributing to the cartelization of the right to health

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No ano de 2007, o Supremo Tribunal Federal modificou sua jurisprudência, que se mantinha inalterada desde 1988, e passou a entender pela existência do princípio da fidelidade partidária no ordenamento jurídico. Essa decisão foi criticada como um exemplo de Ativismo e de Supremacia Judicial. Com base em um estudo das proposições em tramitação no Congresso Nacional, identificamos como o Legislativo tem oferecido respostas à matéria. A partir desse estudo, se questiona se a teoria da Supremacia Judicial é mais adequada do que a teoria dos Diálogos Constitucionais para descrever a relação entre o Judiciário e o Legislativo no caso da fidelidade partidária.

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The work presented here is about aspects of the constitutional extension in which is the public civil action with the objective of verifying its aptitute in tutelaging subjective situations derived from fundamental rights, especially right to health assistance. Thus, it offers a clear analysis of the practical functioning of most aspects of the public civil action (lawsuit), with philosophical foundation and necessary doctrinaire to your comphehension. How it once was (history), how it could be (reform suggestion), how it is (current interpretation of the law) and how it should be (critic analysis of the microsystem of collective tutelaging of rights, its perspectives, as well as the efficacy of the public cilvil action about accomplishment of the right to health as supraindividual right). The objective is to analyse the main version of the theme (for instance: the impacts caused to the dissociation of the Procurations theory), so that it can be extracted the philosophy and the general theory, of the public civil action and collective tutelaging in general, pragmatically applicable to study purposes. With this theorical fountain, the reader will be in a more solid position, not only being able to understand the subtilities of the public civil action, but mainly being able to recognize its faults and present solid reform proposals and improvement. It is know that the Juridical Power (Procuration) does not allow any more inactivity about negating accession to health in its collective dimension (lato sensu: spread, collective stricto sensu and homogeneous individuals), being imputed to it novel usage that consolidates in the assumption of the role instrument set aside to be used by all with organized instancy of solution to collective conflicts in large sense. This happens, overall, because of the current justice politization, understood as juridical activism, connected to the struggle between the groups defending their interests and the acceptance of the constitution about solidifying the public politics of quality health

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The way of organization of the constitutional jurisdiction implies the possibility to extend the democratization of the same one in function of the popular participation in the active legitimacy to constitutional process (procedimentalist model) e, at the same time, to assure technical viable decisions fast and to the complex problems of the constitucional law (substancialist model). The comparison with the constitutional jurisdiction of U.S.A. becomes interesting from the knowledge of the wide power to decide experience of Supreme the Court that for a methodology of construction of rights and not simply of interpretation of the Constitution, brought up to date and reconstructed throughout its historical evolution the direction of the norms of basic rights and the North American principles constitutional. Construction while constitutional hermeneutic method of substancialist matrix works with techniques as the measurement of principles, the protection of interests of minorities and the entailing of the basic rights with values politicians, what it can be brought to evidence of the Brazilian constitutional jurisdiction in order to improve the construction of basic rights that comes being carried through for the judicial ativism in control of the diffuse and abstract constitutionality. To define the limits of construction is to search, on the other hand, a dialogue with the procedimentalists thesis, aiming at the widening of the participation of the citizen in the construction of the basic rights for the constitutional process and to argue forms of the society to evaluate the pronounced decisions activist in the controls diffuse and abstract of constitutionality

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Brazilian law passes through a crisis of effectiveness commonly attributed to the extravagance of fundamental rights and public shortage. However, public finances are not dogmatically structured to solve the conflicts around the limitations of public spending. There are ethical conditioning factors, like morality, proportionality and impartiality, however, these principles act separately, while the problem of public shortage is holistic. Also, the subjectivity of politics discretionary in the definition of public spending, which is supported in an indeterminate concept of public interest, needs material orientation about the destination of public funds, making it vulnerable to ideological manipulation, resulting in real process of catching rights. Not even the judicial activism (such as influx of constitutionalism) is shown legally appropriate. The Reserve of Possible, also presents basic ethical failure. Understanding the formation of public shortage is therefore essential for understanding the crisis of effectiveness of state responsibilities, given the significant expansion of the state duty of protection, which does not find legal technique of defense of the established interests. The premise of argument, then, part of the possibility of deducting minimal model ethical of desire to spend (public interest) according to objective parameters of the normative system. Public spending has always been treated disdainfully by the Brazilian doctrine, according to the legal character accessory assigned to the monetary cost. Nonetheless, it is the meeting point between economics and law, or is in the marrow of the problem of public shortage. Expensive Subjects to modernity, as the effectiveness of fundamental rights, pass necessarily an ethical legal system of public spending. From the ethical principles deducted from the planning, only the democratic principle guides the public spending through the approval of public spending in the complex budget process. In other words, there is an ethical distancing of economic reality in relation to state responsibilities. From the dogmatic belief of insufficiency, public spending is evaluated ethically, according to the foundations of modern constitutionalism, in search of possible of the financial reserve, certain that the ethics of public economy is a sine qua non condition for legal ethics.

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Trabalho sobre a concretização dos direitos fundamentais pela jurisdição constitucional, mostrando a importância da interpretação da Constituição para a obtenção da eficácia de tais direitos. Desenvolve-se a pesquisa a partir da explicação histórica sobre o constitucionalismo moderno, que implantou o Estado Liberal de Direito e as constituições escritas, e no qual encontra a jurisdição constitucional o seu embasamento cultural e a sua justificação histórica. Verifica-se que a origem da jurisdição constitucional assenta-se no controle da constitucionalidade das leis e atos normativos do poder público, fundado no princípio da supremacia da Constituição. Destaca-se o realce dado pela teoria material da Constituição à normatividade dos princípios constitucionais, tecendo considerações em torno da classificação das normas constitucionais em regras e princípios. Remarca o trabalho que o controle da constitucionalidade pode ser formal ou material, apresentando esta última modalidade uma conotação acentuadamente política, já que, por ele, a aferição da compatibilidade da norma infraconstitucional é feita com o conteúdo material da Constituição. A função primacial da jurisdição constitucional é tutelar os direitos fundamentais, especialmente os das minorias sociais. Tal função sobreleva-se até mesmo contra textos legislativos produzidos por maiorias eventuais, pois o princípio da supremacia da Constituição prevalece sobre a regra da maioria vigente nos regimes democráticos. Comprova-se que a concepção substancialista, adotada para definir os contornos funcionais da jurisdição constitucional, propõe uma maior intervenção desta na apreciação dos casos que lhe são submetidos. Salienta-se que, no Estado Democrático de Direito, derivado da aglutinação do Estado Liberal com o Estado Social e acrescida de um elemento novo voltado à transformação da realidade social, a jurisdição constitucional passa a levar em conta, com mais atenção e destaque, os princípios constitucionais e a sincronia do ordenamento constitucional com a sociedade por ele ordenada. Realça também o estudo que a atuação da jurisdição constitucional, segundo a ideologia democrática defendida pelo Estado Democrático de Direito, tem logrado obter uma sociedade mais justa, e que a comprovação histórica é francamente favorável ao seu ativismo judicial. Os direitos fundamentais dificilmente se dissociam da democracia, que lhes garante a eficácia pela limitação e visibilidade do exercício do poder, traços políticos que constituem a nota típica dos regimes democráticos. Mesmo que os direitos fundamentais tenham tido um caráter pré-estatal como preconizado pelo jusnaturalismo, são eles normas, e não valores, pois tão logo sejam positivados pela Constituição eles se tornam direitos vigentes. Assevera a pesquisa que os métodos concretistas de interpretação constitucional mostram-se mais adequados à obtenção da eficácia da Constituição, pela importância que os elementos objetivos, relacionados com o contexto material da norma, assumem no seu processo de aplicação e interpretação. Conclui-se ser essencial que os operadores e estudiosos do Direito se conscientizem de que a interpretação constitucional deve assumir uma feição principiológica e concretista, de modo a ser obtida a máxima eficácia possível das normas constitucionais, especialmente as de direitos fundamentais, acentuando-se mais a necessidade de um Tribunal Constitucional, cuja criação no Brasil constitui ainda tema polêmico entre os doutrinadores

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Conferência proferida em 23/6/99 no "Congresso Brasil-Portugal ano 2000", Coimbra/Portugal

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The research aims to analyze the reasons and the unique role of prosecutors in the promotion of public policies. The opening lines deal with the evolution and expansion of the general theory of the fundamental rights in the international and national levels and that have led to the creation of a welfare state concerned with carrying out positive actions which aim at the community well-being. Thus, it is clear that, after the uneven development of the Brazilian democracy, the Constitution of 1988 not only has erected to a state socially responsible, but also built a system of guarantees which highlights the significant expansion of the Powers of the Public Ministry and has now taken an outstanding position in regard to collective rights, allowing, at the same time, its members to perform the syndication of state actions, particularly public policies, correcting the course of these administrative processes in the presence of poor management and inactivity of the public administrator when acting in defense of fundamental rights. This ministerial activism, even facing the obstacles and boundaries submitted to its pursuit, has shown an increase in actions that culminated, in the last ten years, in a significant number of judicial and extrajudicial measures that indicated the correction of public policies and actions in areas of health, education, housing and the environment. In this process of monitoring and doing, the important role of the other social characters is highlighted, especially the one of the citizen who is responsible for most of the complaints that start the initiatives of the Public Ministry and that can be deployed through a significant list of judicial and extrajudicial instruments, especially the important procedure that allows the hearing and participation of the involved in the implementation of public policies, enabling a collective even a consensual solution of the matter generated among the Public Administration. Given these initiatives, the ministerial activism has established itself as a movement of its own characteristics, aimed to guarantee the fundamental rights, especially when these are not targeted by state actions that should contribute to the achievement of the democratic state of law idealized by the Federal Constitution without any distortion of direction. Nevertheless, this activism still seeks for its full accomplishment in the practical world

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A pesquisa tem como finalidade a análise do Poder Judiciário em um contexto de ampliação de sua dimensão política, o que traz como conseqüência um tipo inédito e peculiar de espaço público de participação democrática. Essa alteração no quadro político institucional possibilitou uma maior inserção do Poder Judiciário em questões essencialmente políticas, o que se convencionou denominar de judicialização da política - expressa na ampliação da importância e da participação do Poder Judiciário na vida social, política e econômica. Tal fenômeno, característico de democracias consolidadas, decorreu de condicionantes e peculiaridades vivenciadas na ordem política, econômica e social e gerou efeitos visíveis na democracia brasileira. As conseqüências desse processo de judicialização da política sobre o espaço democrático variam de acordo com o enfoque analítico estabelecido como referencial teórico: o substancialista, defensor de um Judiciário mais participativo; e o procedimentalista, eixo que enfatiza os processos majoritários de formação da vontade política em detrimento das vias judiciais. A presente pesquisa situa-se no marco conceitual procedimentalista que defende a primazia do procedimento que torne possível o diálogo democrático, ressaltando, assim, a dificuldade contra-majoritária da judicialização da política, os perigos da crescente tendência de valorização do ativismo político exercido pelo Poder Judiciário e a conseqüente necessidade de se estabelecer limites institucionais à atuação dos tribunais em demandas políticas.

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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2016.

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A produção de desenhos em grupo e o método de Rorschach foram utilizados ao longo do tratamento de um paciente com esquizofrenia, acompanhado em Centro de Atenção Psicossocial. O referencial proposto para a compreensão do caso é o método fenômeno-estrutural que busca acessar o modo de ser e de vivenciar a doença que afeta o paciente, a partir do que ele revela nas imagens e na linguagem. Aos desenhos de cores acromáticas e conteúdos humanos deformados, o paciente insere cores, representantes da expressão afetiva, e figuras humanas integradas, denotando disponibilidade nas relações. O Rorschach indica contato mais adequado com a realidade, dado a diminuição da distorção da percepção da forma e de figuras fantasiosas. Após diminuição da sintomatologia persecutória e isolamento social, o paciente recebeu alta. O uso desses instrumentos tem contribuído na difícil tarefa diagnóstica e no acompanhamento da evolução de pacientes, nos cuidados interdisciplinares em saúde mental.