Izquierda peronista, clase obrera y violencia armada : Una experiencia alternativa

El período histórico que va desde mediados de la década del cincuenta a mediados de los setenta, representa uno de los más importantes momentos de la lucha de clases abierta en nuestro país, proceso que fue acompañado por la emergencia de numerosas organizaciones revolucionarias con características novedosas respecto a los tradicionales representantes de la izquierda. Dentro del conjunto de lo que se ha denominado la "izquierda peronista", la indiscutible presencia mayoritaria de los Montoneros, ha opacado la actuación de otras organizaciones, entre ellas las Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas-Peronismo de Base. En este trabajo abordaremos cuestiones referentes a: 1) su evolución político-ideológica; 2) la relación lucha política-lucha sindical - lucha armada; 3) su particular forma organizativa; 4) la manera de resolver la combinación de peronismo y marxismo; y 5) su vinculación con la clase obrera. Veremos que este último punto será el eje sobre el que girarán las demás cuestiones, en razón del objetivo estratégico que se fue perfilando a lo largo de su desarrollo político: del regreso de Perón a la creación de "poder obrero".

Sociedad y política en argentina (1955-1976) : La 'nueva izquierda' entre la protesta social y la política revolucionaria

El presente proyecto de investigación analiza la relación entre sociedad y política en la Argentina entre 1955 y 1976. Se trata de un período signado por una aguda crisis socio-política, una profunda pérdida de legitimidad de las instituciones y el Estado y en que la acelerada modernización socio-cultural posterior a 1955 se combinó rápidamente con una tendencia a la radicalización política. Uno de los primeros efectos de este proceso fue la recomposición de la izquierda. Del seno de sus partidos "tradicionales" (el Partido Comunista y Socialista) surgieron diversas formaciones de la "nueva izquierda", mientras que rupturas y transformaciones similares se verificaban en sectores nacionalistas, peronistas y cristianos. Estos nuevos actores sociales y políticos solieron orientarse hacia objetivos que proclamaron la "liberación nacional" y el "socialismo" y hacia estrategias revolucionarias. Nuestro trabajo se interesa centralmente en reconstruir los orígenes de las nuevas prácticas y organizaciones surgidas por entonces así como las formas de articulación entre demandas sociales y propuestas políticas, y entre elencos dirigentes y sectores populares. A su vez, examina una multiplicidad de "casos" que formaron parte de este social y políticamente variado campo, sin subsumirlo exclusivamente al accionar de las organizaciones armadas.

Izquierda peronista, clase obrera y violencia armada : Una experiencia alternativa

El período histórico que va desde mediados de la década del cincuenta a mediados de los setenta, representa uno de los más importantes momentos de la lucha de clases abierta en nuestro país, proceso que fue acompañado por la emergencia de numerosas organizaciones revolucionarias con características novedosas respecto a los tradicionales representantes de la izquierda. Dentro del conjunto de lo que se ha denominado la "izquierda peronista", la indiscutible presencia mayoritaria de los Montoneros, ha opacado la actuación de otras organizaciones, entre ellas las Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas-Peronismo de Base. En este trabajo abordaremos cuestiones referentes a: 1) su evolución político-ideológica; 2) la relación lucha política-lucha sindical - lucha armada; 3) su particular forma organizativa; 4) la manera de resolver la combinación de peronismo y marxismo; y 5) su vinculación con la clase obrera. Veremos que este último punto será el eje sobre el que girarán las demás cuestiones, en razón del objetivo estratégico que se fue perfilando a lo largo de su desarrollo político: del regreso de Perón a la creación de "poder obrero".

Sociedad y política en argentina (1955-1976) : La 'nueva izquierda' entre la protesta social y la política revolucionaria

El presente proyecto de investigación analiza la relación entre sociedad y política en la Argentina entre 1955 y 1976. Se trata de un período signado por una aguda crisis socio-política, una profunda pérdida de legitimidad de las instituciones y el Estado y en que la acelerada modernización socio-cultural posterior a 1955 se combinó rápidamente con una tendencia a la radicalización política. Uno de los primeros efectos de este proceso fue la recomposición de la izquierda. Del seno de sus partidos "tradicionales" (el Partido Comunista y Socialista) surgieron diversas formaciones de la "nueva izquierda", mientras que rupturas y transformaciones similares se verificaban en sectores nacionalistas, peronistas y cristianos. Estos nuevos actores sociales y políticos solieron orientarse hacia objetivos que proclamaron la "liberación nacional" y el "socialismo" y hacia estrategias revolucionarias. Nuestro trabajo se interesa centralmente en reconstruir los orígenes de las nuevas prácticas y organizaciones surgidas por entonces así como las formas de articulación entre demandas sociales y propuestas políticas, y entre elencos dirigentes y sectores populares. A su vez, examina una multiplicidad de "casos" que formaron parte de este social y políticamente variado campo, sin subsumirlo exclusivamente al accionar de las organizaciones armadas.

Radicalización política y sectores populares en la Argentina de los '70 : La juventud peronista [JP] y su articulación con Montoneros en los barrios periféricos de la ciudad de La Plata

La Tesis, a través de un estudio de caso, se propone aportar una descripción empírica sobre los nexos que las organizaciones armadas establecieron con los sectores populares durante los '70 en la Argentina. Con ese propósito, reconstruye el sistema de unidades básicas organizado por la Juventud Peronista platense articulada con Montoneros en los barrios de la periferia platense entre 1972/74. Para el abordaje y comprensión de este conjunto, la investigación se ocupa previamente de la reconstrucción de aspectos de la larga trayectoria de la JP platense, previa a su articulación con Montoneros, durante los años '60, cuando delineo una estrategia de expansión política centrada en los ámbitos barriales, asimilando también una serie de influencias y prácticas producto de los procesos de radicalización en curso. Luego la tesis analiza el universo de las unidades básicas montoneras atendiendo a tres grandes componentes. Primero, los actores barriales más representativos: los militantes y las unidades básicas. Segundo, las prácticas sobre las que se sostuvo toda la experiencia: las de tipo reivindicativas y las más propiamente políticas. Por ultimo, el conjunto de representaciones que guiaron el debate y circulación de ideas: la recepción que tuvieron en el seno de las unidades básicas las concepciones criticas de los jóvenes montoneros en tomo a Perón y al peronismo y las nociones de socialismo y la lucha armada. La tesis permite apreciar la complejidad y variedad de lazos e intercambios que tuvieron lugar en el ámbito barrial montonero de la ciudad de La Plata y, a la vez, Ios límites y la dinámica que llevó a su disolución

The LTTE Proposals for an Interim Self-Governing Authority and Future of the Peace Process in Sri Lanka

The political brinkmanship of the Liberation Tigers of the Tamil Eelam has been illustrated vividly by the way in which it brought forward its proposals for an Interim Self-Governing Authority by exploiting the vulnerabilities of the United National Front Government. In the proposals the LTTE articulated its political intentions in concrete constitutional terms for the first time. The Proposals rationalize the armed struggle and a contractual agreement outside the Constitution. The plenary powers of the ISGA exceed the federal formula; effectively exclude the institutions of the state of Sri Lanka from the North-East; and clear the route for a separate state. This situation demands a redirection of the peace process which requires a clear political vision and a proper strategy with alternative proposals on the part of the government. In the face of present impasse of the peace process the challenges before the new Freedom Alliance government are formidable.

Althusserianismo e luta armada na Argentina : A experiência do Zaratismo

One of the most important spaces into which Althusserianism diffused in Argentina was Zaratismo, a political tendency that spread from the Communist Party to an armed organization called the Argentinian Liberation Forces. In this work we propose an analysis of this experience that emphasizes the relations between the characteristic elements of Althusserianism - the epistemological break in Marx's work, theoretical practice, and the concept of economic and social formation - and those of the development of an armed strategy for Argentina, including critiques of theoreticism and opportunism, an adaptation of the theory of war to the national situation, and a correct conjunction of theoretical concepts with concrete realitie

On the periphery of global jihad. The North Caucasus: the illusion of stabilisation. OSW Point of View Number 45, November 2014

The situation in the North Caucasus has stabilised, in comparison with previous years, mainly as regards the activity of the Islamic military underground. This is an effect of ideological changes among the militants which have led to a dilution of the Caucasian armed struggle and its marginalisation in global jihad, since top priority has been granted to the Middle Eastern front. The factors which have contributed to this stabilisation are the organisational crisis in the Caucasus Emirate and the outflux of militants to the Middle East, as well the successful ‘carrot and stick’ policy adopted by Moscow. However, the partial stabilisation in the Caucasus is inherently precarious, being a contingent outcome of the situation rather than the result of systemic change. The region’s pressing problems remain unresolved; and these problems are generating chronic instability and cauing the Caucasus to drift away from Russia in civilisational terms. An economic or political crisis in the Russian Federation may result in the conflicts in the Caucasus unfreezing, including a reactivation of the idea of Chechen independence as well as the idea of the Caucasus Emirate, which is a part of global jihad.

Althusserianismo e luta armada na Argentina : A experiência do Zaratismo

One of the most important spaces into which Althusserianism diffused in Argentina was Zaratismo, a political tendency that spread from the Communist Party to an armed organization called the Argentinian Liberation Forces. In this work we propose an analysis of this experience that emphasizes the relations between the characteristic elements of Althusserianism - the epistemological break in Marx's work, theoretical practice, and the concept of economic and social formation - and those of the development of an armed strategy for Argentina, including critiques of theoreticism and opportunism, an adaptation of the theory of war to the national situation, and a correct conjunction of theoretical concepts with concrete realitie

Althusserianismo e luta armada na Argentina : A experiência do Zaratismo

One of the most important spaces into which Althusserianism diffused in Argentina was Zaratismo, a political tendency that spread from the Communist Party to an armed organization called the Argentinian Liberation Forces. In this work we propose an analysis of this experience that emphasizes the relations between the characteristic elements of Althusserianism - the epistemological break in Marx's work, theoretical practice, and the concept of economic and social formation - and those of the development of an armed strategy for Argentina, including critiques of theoreticism and opportunism, an adaptation of the theory of war to the national situation, and a correct conjunction of theoretical concepts with concrete realitie

Peru’s Shining Path: Recent Dynamics and Future Prospects

Although soundly defeated in the early to mid-1990s, Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) did not disappear. Over the past five years, it has reemerged in a substantially different form, with both a military and a political component. The organization, once again coordinated by jailed leader Abimael Guzmán Reynoso, has eschewed shorter-term military objectives in favor of a longer-term strategy of slowly rebuilding popular support and establishing a party within the Peruvian political system. In so doing, it has also moved from extreme Maoist ideological rigidity to a more pragmatic, though perhaps only tactical, approach. Financial support is derived once again from cocaine production and trafficking in the Upper Huallaga Valley (UHV). Although there may be some individual exceptions, Shining Path is not a narcoterrorist organization. At the same time, Sendero is still very small, in no way a threat to the Peruvian state, and divided. The Lima-based political organization and the military wing in the UHV continue to follow Guzmán‟s leadership, while the Apurímac-Ene Valleys (VRAE) group remains committed to the armed struggle. The Government of Peru (GOP) response to date, both military and civilian, has been inadequate. VRAE military operations are hampered by poor leadership, ill-trained troops, and an outdated strategy. VRAE development resources have been cut, and the long-promised paved road remains in the planning stage. Without significant GOP adjustments, Shining Path is likely to continue to grow.

Post-revolutionary post-modernism: Central American detective fiction by the turn of the 21st century

Contemporary Central American fiction has become a vital project of revision of the tragic events and the social conditions in the recent history of the countries from which they emerge. The literary projects of Sergio Ramirez (Nicaragua), Dante Liano (Guatemala), Horacio Castellanos Moya (El Salvador), and Ramon Fonseca Mora (Panama), are representative of the latest trends in Central American narrative. These trends conform to a new literary paradigm that consists of an amalgam of styles and discourses, which combine the testimonial, the historical, and the political with the mystery and suspense of noir thrillers. Contemporary Central American noir narrative depicts the persistent war against social injustice, violence, criminal activities, as well as the new technological advances and economic challenges of the post-war neo-liberal order that still prevails throughout the region. ^ Drawing on postmodernism theory proposed by Ihab Hassan, Linda Hutcheon and Brian MacHale, I argued that the new Central American literary paradigm exemplified by Sergio Ramirez's El cielo llora por mí, Dante Liano's El hombre de Montserrat, Horacio Castellanos Moya's El arma en el hombre and La diabla en el espejo , and Ramon Fonseca Mora's El desenterrador, are highly structured novels that display the characteristic marks of postmodern cultural expression through their ambivalence, which results from the coexistence of multiple styles and conflicting ideologies and narrative trends. The novels analyzed in this dissertation make use of a noir sensitivity in which corruption, decay and disillusionment are at their core to portray the events that shaped the modern history of the countries from which they emerge. The revolutionary armed struggle, the state of terror imposed by military regimes and the fight against drug trafficking and organized crime, are among the major themes of these contemporary works of fiction, which I have categorized as perfect examples of the post-revolutionary post-modernism Central American detective fiction at the turn of the 21st century.^

The value of military oath in civil wars in Rome: The example of conflict 49-45 BC

During the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, the military oath which binds the soldier to his army is often openly violated. Yet despite this offense, commanders of armed struggle require recursively the oath to their men. Admittedly, this ritual act seems ineffective given the many desertions and mutinies identified, but military leaders use its symbolic and sacred meaning to legitimize one hand their “anti-republican” actions, on the other armies fighting in a context deemed impius.

Post-Revolutionary Post-Modernism: Central American Detective Fiction by the Turn of the 21st Century

Contemporary Central American fiction has become a vital project of revision of the tragic events and the social conditions in the recent history of the countries from which they emerge. The literary projects of Sergio Ramirez (Nicaragua), Dante Liano (Guatemala), Horacio Castellanos Moya (El Salvador), and Ramon Fonseca Mora (Panama), are representative of the latest trends in Central American narrative. These trends conform to a new literary paradigm that consists of an amalgam of styles and discourses, which combine the testimonial, the historical, and the political with the mystery and suspense of noir thrillers. Contemporary Central American noir narrative depicts the persistent war against social injustice, violence, criminal activities, as well as the new technological advances and economic challenges of the post-war neo-liberal order that still prevails throughout the region. Drawing on postmodernism theory proposed by Ihab Hassan, Linda Hutcheon and Brian MacHale, I argued that the new Central American literary paradigm exemplified by Sergio Ramirez’s El cielo llora por mí, Dante Liano’s El hombre de Montserrat, Horacio Castellanos Moya’s El arma en el hombre and La diabla en el espejo, and Ramon Fonseca Mora’s El desenterrador, are highly structured novels that display the characteristic marks of postmodern cultural expression through their ambivalence, which results from the coexistence of multiple styles and conflicting ideologies and narrative trends. The novels analyzed in this dissertation make use of a noir sensitivity in which corruption, decay and disillusionment are at their core to portray the events that shaped the modern history of the countries from which they emerge. The revolutionary armed struggle, the state of terror imposed by military regimes and the fight against drug trafficking and organized crime, are among the major themes of these contemporary works of fiction, which I have categorized as perfect examples of the post-revolutionary post-modernism Central American detective fiction at the turn of the 21st century.

Contradictions and the Appropriation of ERP Packages

Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) software typically takes the form of a package that is licensed for use to those in a client organisation and is sold as being able to automate a wide range of processes within organisations. ERP packages have become an important feature of information and communications technology (ICT) infrastructures in organizations. However, a number of highly publicised failures have been associated with the ERP packages too. For example: Hershey, Aero Group and Snap-On have blamed the implementation of ERP packages for negative impacts upon earnings (Scott and Vessey 2000); Cadbury Schweppes implemented plans to fulfil 250 orders where normally they would fulfil 1000 due to the increased complexity and the need to re-train staff post implementation (August 1999) and FoxMeyer drug company’s implementation of an ERP package has been argued to have lead to bankruptcy proceedings resulting in litigation against SAP, the software vendor in question (Bicknell 1998). Some have even rejected a single vendor approach outright (Light et. al. 2001). ERP packages appear to work for some and not for others, they contain contradictions. Indeed, if we start from the position that technologies do not provide their own explanation, then we have to consider the direction of a technological trajectory and why it moves in one way rather than another (Bijker and Law 1994). In other words, ERP appropriation cannot be predetermined as a success, despite the persuasive attempts of vendors via their websites and other marketing channels. Moreover, just because ERP exists, we cannot presume that all will appropriate it in the same fashion, if at all. There is more to the diffusion of innovations than stages of adoption and a simple demarcation between adoption and rejection. The processes that are enacted in appropriation need to be conceptualised as a site of struggle, political and imbued with power (Hislop et. al. 2000; Howcroft and Light, 2006). ERP appropriation and rejection can therefore be seen as a paradoxical phenomenon. In this paper we examine these contradictions as a way to shed light on the presence and role of inconsistencies in ERP appropriation and rejection. We argue that much of the reasoning associated with ERP adoption is pro-innovation biased and that deterministic models of the diffusion of innovations such as Rogers (2003), do not adequately take account of contradictions in the process. Our argument is that a better theoretical understanding of these contradictions is necessary to underpin research and practice in this area. In the next section, we introduce our view of appropriation. Following this is an outline of the idea of contradiction, and the strategies employed to ‘cope’ with this. Then, we introduce a number of reasons for ERP adoption and identify their inherent contradictions using these perspectives. From this discussion, we draw a framework, which illustrates how the interpretive flexibility of reasons to adopt ERP packages leads to contradictions which fuel the enactment of appropriation and rejection.