26 resultados para Adverb
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Pós-graduação em Linguística e Língua Portuguesa - FCLAR
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Pós-graduação em Estudos Linguísticos - IBILCE
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In this paper, we investigate the grammatical construction “é claro (que)”, which is characterized as a matrix clause. As it is produced, an argumentative clause is added to the matrix clause in subject position. We analyze oral speech and writing data of contemporary Portuguese and show that the grammatical construction undergoes processes of change, which are identified by desentencialization clauses and grammaticalization process. In addition, by analyzing parameters such as the position of grammatical construction, the presence of copulation and the use of a complementizer, we show that the absence of copulation and a complementizer in the matrix leads to a reduced clause, i.e., a monoclause, and a categorical change of the matrix adjective, which plays the role of functioning adverb.
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All Latin students eventually have a problem with qui. To solve it, they need a third qui in their quiver. The problem shows up when they advance into third year, transitioning from Caesar to Roman Comedy, or to the poets. The familiar “who” often leads to nonsense, and they are at a loss. There are three qui’s: the relative pronoun, the interrogative adjective, and the old ablative instrumental, e.g. 1. qui dixit, who spoke 2. qui vir, which man 3. illud qui, that thing by means of which It is the third that causes problems. So this article addresses the question “how do you tell qui from qui ?” There are six main ways to tell when to say “how,” “whereby,” or “the way” for qui: 1. The whereby/how qui is usually interrogative. 2. It is often marked further by being paired with a following quia: qui? quia “How . . . ? Because . . .” 3. The most frequent associated idea is of knowing, with a form of scire or gnoscere: qui scis, qui noveris? “How do you know?” 4. Qui followed immediately by an adverb or comparative is whereby/how/the way: qui minus quam . . . “How less than . . .” 5. The obvious noun antecedent is not a person, but a tool: machinas qui, “tools to __ with” (“with which to__”). 6. If the context is of giving or seeking, qui is instrumental, “how,” “a way,” “the means, “ e.g. da mi qui comparem “Give me the means to buy . . .” There is no antecedent.
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Este artigo apresenta contrastivamente os diferentes tipos de categorização gramatical do item lexical advérbio em uma gramática brasileira e em duas alemãs. O objetivo é apontar a complexidade de descrição do advérbio em uma classe única. A característica heterogeneidade do advérbio é exemplificada por três tipos de advérbio: advérbios modalizadores discursivos (CASTILHO 2010), advérbios de comentário (DUDEN 2006) e palavras modais (HELBIG & BUSCHA 2001).
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The lexical items like and well can serve as discourse markers (DMs), but can also play numerous other roles, such as verb or adverb. Identifying the occurrences that function as DMs is an important step for language understanding by computers. In this study, automatic classifiers using lexical, prosodic/positional and sociolinguistic features are trained over transcribed dialogues, manually annotated with DM information. The resulting classifiers improve state-of-the-art performance of DM identification, at about 90% recall and 79% precision for like (84.5% accuracy, κ = 0.69), and 99% recall and 98% precision for well (97.5% accuracy, κ = 0.88). Automatic feature analysis shows that lexical collocations are the most reliable indicators, followed by prosodic/positional features, while sociolinguistic features are marginally useful for the identification of DM like and not useful for well. The differentiated processing of each type of DM improves classification accuracy, suggesting that these types should be treated individually.
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Objetivo: Determinar si la ENS y la EPA de 2006 producen la misma información sobre labores del hogar y doble carga de trabajo en la población de 25 a 64 años, en ambos sexos. Métodos: Comparación entre las ENS y EPA sobre la forma de recoger información de la doble carga de trabajo. Fuente: Preguntas ENS: actividad económica (C.1.2:categorías 1,2,6), dedicación labores del hogar (A.11:categorías 1,2,3). EPA: actividad económica (H.1:categorías 1,5). Descripción por sexo en España y Comunidades Autónomas (CC.AA). Resultados: El 43,4% de las mujeres según la EPA tienen doble carga de trabajo, pero solo un 0,7% según la ENS. En los hombres el 31,5% (EPA) y el 0,02% (ENS). Alternativamente, cruzando a quienes afirman trabajar (C.1.2:categorías 1,2) con quienes realizan labores del hogar (A.11:categorías 1,2,3), la doble carga de ambas encuestas se aproxima (Hombres: ENS:31,7%; EPA:31,5%; Mujeres: ENS:46,3%; EPA:43,4%). Ambas encuestas ordenan de forma similar a las CC.AA según la doble carga de trabajo (ρmujeres:0,770 (p=0,001); ρhombres:0,647 (p=0,003)). Conclusión: La pregunta de actividad económica de la ENS subestima la frecuencia de la doble carga de trabajo. Esta es parecida en ambas encuestas, si se cruzan los datos de quienes afirman trabajar con quienes realizan labores del hogar de la ENS. En este caso, ambas encuestas ordenan de igual forma a las CC.AA. La exclusión del adverbio «principalmente» de la categoría sobre dedicación a las labores del hogar de la ENS 2011 normalizará la pregunta sobre actividad económica respecto a las utilizadas en encuestas de salud internacionales y de CC.AA.
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Includes index.
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This study investigates the expression of epistemic modality in a corpus of Ghanaian Pidgin English (GhaPE). The epistemic expressions are manually identified and thereafter distinguished from each other in terms of grammatical status and their indication of different epistemic and evidential notions. 7 different elements are found, ranging from 1 pre-verbal marker, 1 adverb, 2 particles and 3 complement-taking predicates. The results indicate, in line with existing research, that to differentiate between usage properties of individual modal expressions it may be necessary to subdivide them in terms of not only epistemic but also evidential meanings. Moreover, a functional parallel between the GhaPE particle abi, the Swedish modal particle väl and the Spanish adverbs a lo mejor and igual is demonstrated, with respect to their simultaneous function of expressing epistemic probability and asking the hearer for confirmation. Finally, the results suggest, contrary to previous accounts, that the pre-verbal marker fit may indicate epistemic possibility without the addition of a preceding irrealis marker go. It is proposed that future researchers should make use of bigger corpora in order to arrive at a more ample conception of both individual modal categories and their interrelations.
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Si se pretende elaborar un diccionario de adjetivos, ya sea este monolingüe o bilingüe, la primera tarea que se le impone al lexicógrafo es la de definir qué es un adjetivo, una cuestión que todavía hoy no ha sido resuelta satisfactoriamente. En alemán hay una serie de palabras que han sido descritas tradicionalmente como adjetivos en función exclusivamente predicativa, cuyo estatus como adjetivos es, sin embargo, cuestionado por algunos autores. En este artículo se trata de dilucidar si estas palabras realmente solo pueden aparecer en función predicativa, cómo se las describe en diccionarios y gramáticas y cuáles son sus principales correspondencias en español, a fin de decidir si deberían ser incluidas en un corpus destinado a la elaboración de un diccionario sintáctico de adjetivos alemán-español.
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This PhD thesis examines a phenomenon known as Monosyllabic Circumflexion (MC, hereafter) from a historical linguistics / phonological point of view. MC denotes a Lithuanian or Balto-Slavic phenomenon according to which long vowels and diphthongs in monosyllabic words exhibit a circumflex tone instead of the expected acute tone. It is observed in the following four categories: I. 3rd person future forms of monosyllabic stems (e.g., šõks ― šókti `to jump;' vy͂s ― výti `to drive') II. reflexes of PIE root nouns (e.g., Latv. gùovs `cow;' Lith. šuõ `dog') III. prepositions/adverbs (e.g., nuõ `from' ~ nùotaka `bride;' vė͂l `again' ~ Latv. vêl `still, yet,' tė͂ (permissive particle) < *teh1) IV. pronominal forms (e.g., tuõ ~ gerúoju `the good (m.~sg.~instr.),' tie͂ ~ tíeji `id. (pl.nom)'). The unexpected circumflex tone in these categories is problematic and important for the solution of a Balto-Slavic accentological question on the etymological background of acute and non-acute tones. The aim of this thesis is to partially contribute to the solution of this problem by establishing the existence of MC and its relative chronology. The first category, the 3rd person future forms, provides a substantial number of examples and counterexamples. The examination of them has revealed the fact that the counterexamples constitute a morpho-semantic group of verbs whose future stems underwent considerable morphological changes in the prehistory, hence not exhibiting MC. This shows that the regular tonal reflex of the 3rd person future forms of monosyllabic acute stem must be circumflex, allowing for the establishment of MC as a regular phonological process, although this category does not provide much information on the relative chronology of MC. The second category, the reflexes of Proto-Indo-European root nouns, gives an important clue as to where MC is located in the relative chronology of Balto-Slavic sound changes. Next, there is a discussion of whether the results of the examinations of the first two categories can be maintained for the data of the third and fourth categories, which show an irregular distribution of the acute and circumflex tones in monosyllabic forms. It is shown that various morphological factors, such as homonymic clashes within the paradigms for pronouns, can explain why some monosyllabic forms have acute tone. Also, the linguistic feature of West Aukštaitian dialects of Lithuanian that tend to preserve the results of MC is revealed. These dialects are known to have played an important role in the formation of standard Lithuanian. In this way, the monosyllabic forms with unexpected circumflex tone in Lithuanian are explained as a combination of MC in the Proto-Balto-Slavic time and the dialectal tendency of West Aukštaitian dialects of Lithuanian.