Vähemmistövaltiokirkon synty : Ortodoksisen kirkkokunnan ja valtion suhteiden muotoutuminen Suomessa 1917-1922

The Birth of the Minority State Church Development of the legal relationship between the state of Finland and the Finnish Orthodox Church 1917 1922 Mika Nokelainen, University of Helsinki, Finland. The present research seeks to explain how the legal relationship developed between the state of Finland and the Orthodox Church of Finland. The main focus is on three statutes: 1) the Statute of the Orthodox Church in Finland as stated by Prime Minister J. K. Paasikivi s cabinet in November 1918, 2) The Republican Constitution of July 1919 and 3) The Freedom of Religion Act of 1923. This study examines how different political goals influenced the three statutes mentioned above. Another important factor that is taken into account is the attitude of the Lutheran Church of Finland, the church of the national majority, towards the Orthodox minority and its judicial position in the country. Finland became independent in December 1917, in the aftermath of the November Revolution in Russia. The Orthodox Church already had hundreds of years of history in Finland. In the 19th century, several statutes by emperors of Russia had made the Orthodox Church an official state church of Finland. Due to the long history of the Orthodox Church in Finland, Prime Minister Paasikivi s cabinet made the decision to support the church in the spring of 1918. Furthermore, the cabinet s goal to occupy East Karelia increased its willingness to support the church. The Finnish-national Orthodox Church was needed to educate the East-Karelians. A new statute on the Orthodox Church in Finland came into force in November 1918, reorganising the administration, economy and legal relationship between the church and state in Finland. With this statue, the cabinet gained some authority over the church. Sections of this statute made possible, for example, the cabinet s interference in the internal affairs of the church. The Republican Constitution of 1919 included the principle of freedom of religion. The state, which previously had been Lutheran, now became non-denominational. However, the Republican Constitution explicitly mentioned the Lutheran as well as the Orthodox Church, which indirectly confirmed the position of the Orthodox Church as the second state church of Finland. This position was finally confirmed by the Freedom of Religion Act in 1923. In general, the Lutheran Church of Finland did not resist the judicial position of the Orthodox Church. However, some Lutherans regarded the Orthodox Church with suspicion because of its intimate connection with Russia.

Lippu, uhri, kansakunta : Ryhmäkokemukset ja -rajat Suomessa 1917 1945

This dissertation deals with the notions of sacrifice and violence in connection with the Fin¬nish flag struggles between 1917 and 1945. The study begins with the basic idea that sacrificial thinking is a key element in nationalism and the social cohesion of large groups. The method used in the study combines anthropological notions of totemism with psychoanalytical object relation theory. The aim is to explore the social and psychological elements of the Finnish national flag and the workers flags during the times of crisis and nation building. The phenomena and concepts addressed include self-sacrifice, scapegoating, remembrance of war, inclusion, and exclusion. The research is located at the intersection of nationalism studies and the cultural history of war. The analysis is based primarily on the press debates, public speeches and archival sources of the civic organizations that promoted the Finnish flag. The study is empirically divided into three sections: 1) the years of the Revolution and the Civil War (1917 1918), 2) the interwar period (1919 1938), and 3) the Second World War (1939 1945). The research demonstrates that the modern national flags and workers flags in Finland maintain certain characteristics of primitive totems. When referred to as a totem the flag means an emotionally charged symbol, a reservoir of the collective ideals of a large group. Thus the flag issue offers a path to explore the perceptions and memory of sacrifice and violence in the making of the First Republic . Any given large group, for example a nation, must conceptually pursue a consensus on its past sacrifices. Without productive interpretation sacrifice represents only meaningless violence. By looking at the passions associated with the flag the study also illuminates various group identities, boundaries and crossings of borders within the Finnish society at the same time. The study shows further that the divisive violence of the Civil War was first overcome in the late 1930s when the social democrats adopted a new perception of the Red victims of 1918 they were seen as part of the birth pains of the nation, and not only the martyrs of class struggle. At the same time the radical Right became marginalized. The study also illuminates how this development made the Spirit of the Winter War possible, a genuine albeit brief experience of horizontal brother and sisterhood, and how this spirit was reflected in the popular adoption of the Finnish flag. The experience was not based only on the external and unifying threat posed by the Soviet Union: it was grounded in a sense of unifying sacrifice which reflected a novel way of understanding the nation and its past sacrifices. Paradoxically, the newly forged consensus over the necessity and the rewards of the common sacrifices of the Winter War (1939 1940) made new sacrifices possible during the Continuation War (1941 1944). In spite of political discord and war weariness, the concept of a unified nation under the national flag survived even the absurdity of the stationary war phase. It can be said that the conflict between the idea of a national community and parliamentary party politics dissolved as a result of the collective experience of the Second World War.

La administración en la Iglesia después del código de 1917

Sumario: Introducción. I.- La potestad de gobierno en la Iglesia. II.- La potestad administrativa (aspecto estático). III.- La administración eclesiástica (aspecto dinámico). 1. Fundamentos teológicos y jurídicos de la administración. 1.1. teológicos. 1.2. jurídicos. 2. Función administrativa en sentido amplio. 3. Función administrativa en sentido estricto: el acto administrativo. IV.- Principio de legalidad. V.- Derecho administrativo. VI.- La tutela de los derechos de los fieles. VII.- La justicia administrativa. Conclusión

Sistematización del conocimiento popular nicaragüense, validado por la Universidad Nacional Agraria 1917-2014

El objetivo del presente trabajo es recopilar y sistematizar el conocimiento agropecuario popular nicaragüense por la Universidad Nacional Agraria (UNA) de Nicaragua, ha realizado trabajos de tesis a lo largo de toda su historia (98 años), para validar estos conocimientos que son de utilidad para nuestros productores, mediante la utilización del método científico. Para este estudio se realizó un análisis de documentos los cuales, son considerados una fuente valiosa de información. El trabajo de campo se realizó en los meses de noviembre 2013 a noviembre 2014, la información fue obtenida en el Centro Nicaragüense de Documentación Agropecuaria (CENIDA) de la UNA, ubicada en Managua en el km 12 ½ carretera Norte, y demás instituciones que han trabajado junto con la UNA en la elaboración de estos trabajos científicos, se tomaron variables de importancia en la vida diaria del productor, como son los granos almacenados, carbón vegetal, recursos forestales, producción de leche, sanidad animal, y las aves de patio, todas estas influyentes en la economía y alimentación de las familias campesinas. Se encontró que la UNA ha realizado un total de 2 737 tesis, de las cuales solo se encontraron 21 tesis basadas en el conocimiento indígena, campesino y popular, teniendo más temas de investigación en las áreas de sanidad animal 7 tesis, granos almacenados 5 tesis, recursos forestales 4 tesis y las de menor temas de investigación producción de carbón vegetal 2 tesis, producción de leche 2 tesis, producción de aves de patio 1 tema de tesis

A experiência anarquista no Brasil : algumas anotações sobre as greves de 1917 e suas repercussões na Câmara dos Deputados

Resgata pequena parte da história do anarquismo, que praticamente desapareceu do cenário político brasileiro. Utilizando o método de análise historiográfica, e compulsando os registros de sessões ocorridas, analisa a participação da Câmara dos Deputados nas políticas relacionadas à repressão dos anarquistas nas greves ocorridas em 1917. Ao final da pesquisa, chega-se à conclusão da existência de razoáveis indícios de participação da Câmara dos Deputados nas ações de repressão ao movimento anarquista.

A experiência anarquista no Brasil : reflexos das greves de 1917 na Câmara dos Deputados

Apresenta um estudo sobre a experiência anarquista no Brasil. Investiga a repercussão na Câmara dos Deputados das greves operárias realizadas em 1917 a partir de registros de atividades do Plenário. Analisa o papel desempenhado pela Câmara dos Deputados na política de expulsão de estrangeiros adotada pelo governo brasileiro durante a segunda década do século XX.

Collecção das Leis da República dos Estados Unidos do Brazil de 1917

Parte 1 - Atos do Poder Legislativo.

Synopse dos trabalhos da Camara dos Srs. Deputados : relativos ao anno de 1917 : acompanhados de differentes documentos : organizados na Secretaria da mesma Camara

Sinopse dos trabalhos da Câmara dos Deputados, em 1917.

Baderna estrangeira ou urgência nacional? Embates parlamentares sobre o sobre o movimento operário nos Anais da Câmara dos Deputados (1917-1919)

O período de 1917 a 1919 foi marcado por intensa atividade reivindicatória no Brasil e no mundo, insuflada pelo clima de instabilidade global e pelo exemplo da Revolução Bolchevique. No Brasil, tal quadro repetia-se, tendo sido esse um momento de intensificação da mobilização operária, marcada por inúmeras greves que irromperam no cenário de vários centros urbanos brasileiros. Atentas a essa conjuntura, as elites políticas brasileiros não tardaram a se posicionar sobre ela. Os discursos parlamentares produzidos na Câmara dos Deputados sobre o movimento operário foram aqui objeto de análise, a fim de se determinar quais as posições presentes naquela casa legislativa sobre o tema. Duas posturas contrapostas foram identificadas: uma, majoritária, legitimadora das políticas repressivas implementadas pelos governos estaduais e federais ao movimento, calcada em uma visão em que o movimento operário era apresentado como elemento de desordem comandado por estrangeiros perniciosos; outra, minoritária, que defendia um olhar atento, por parte da instância política, sobre as reivindicações sociais, bandeiras centrais da mobilização operária. Esse embate de ideias, que se desdobrava da questão específica do operariado para outras esferas da sociedade brasileira, não foi resolvido pelo convencimento ou consenso. O olhar condenatório, produtor de um discurso que se utilizava de maneira recorrente da lógica argumentativa presente no mito político da conspiração, acaba por servir de legitimação às ações de força impostas ao movimento pelos governantes.

Family, Kinship and Revolution: The Russian Nobility, 1917-1923

Rendle, M. (2005). Family, Kinship and Revolution: The Russian Nobility, 1917-1923. Family and Community History. 8(1), pp.35-47. RAE2008

The Symbolic Revolution: The Russian Nobility and February 1917

Rendle, Matthew, 'The Symbolic Revolution: The Russian Nobility and February 1917', Revolutionary Russia (2005) 18(1) pp.23-46 RAE2008

Contracting Freedom: Governance and East Indian Indenture in the British Atlantic, 1838-1917

This is a dissertation about identity and governance, and how they are mutually constituted. Between 1838 and 1917, the British brought approximately half a million East Indian laborers to the Atlantic to work on sugar plantations. The dissertation argues that contrary to previous historiographical assumptions, indentured East Indians were an amorphous mass of people drawn from various regions of British India. They were brought together not by their innate "Indian-ness" upon their arrival in the Caribbean, but by the common experience of indenture recruitment, transportation and plantation life. Ideas of innate "Indian-ness" were products of an imperial discourse that emerged from and shaped official approaches to governing East Indians in the Atlantic. Government officials and planters promoted visions of East Indians as "primitive" subjects who engaged in child marriage and wife murder. Officials mobilized ideas about gender to sustain racialized stereotypes of East Indian subjects. East Indian women were thought to be promiscuous, and East Indian men were violent and depraved (especially in response to East Indian women's promiscuity). By pointing to these stereotypes about East Indians, government officials and planters could highlight the promise of indenture as a civilizing mechanism. This dissertation links the study of governance and subject formation to complicate ideas of colonial rule as static. It uncovers how colonial processes evolved to handle the challenges posed by migrant populations.

The primary architects of indenture, Caribbean governments, the British Colonial Office, and planters hoped that East Indian indentured laborers would form a stable and easily-governed labor force. They anticipated that the presence of these laborers would undermine the demands of Afro-Creole workers for higher wages and shorter working hours. Indenture, however, was controversial among British liberals who saw it as potentially hindering the creation of a free labor market, and abolitionists who also feared that indenture was a new form of slavery. Using court records, newspapers, legislative documents, bureaucratic correspondence, memoirs, novels, and travel accounts from archives and libraries in Britain, Guyana, and Trinidad and Tobago, this dissertation explores how indenture was envisioned and constantly re-envisioned in response to its critics. It chronicles how the struggles between the planter class and the colonial state for authority over indentured laborers affected the way that indenture functioned in the British Atlantic. In addition to focusing on indenture's official origins, this dissertation examines the actions of East Indian indentured subjects as they are recorded in the imperial archive to explore how these people experienced indenture.

Indenture contracts were central to the justification of indenture and to the creation of a pliable labor force in the Atlantic. According to English common law, only free parties could enter into contracts. Indenture contracts limited the period of indenture and affirmed that laborers would be remunerated for their labor. While the architects of indenture pointed to contracts as evidence that indenture was not slavery, contracts in reality prevented laborers from participating in the free labor market and kept the wages of indentured laborers low. Further, in late nineteenth-century Britain, contracts were civil matters. In the British Atlantic, indentured laborers who violated the terms of their contracts faced criminal trials and their associated punishments such as imprisonment and hard labor. Officials used indenture contracts to exploit the labor and limit the mobility of indentured laborers in a manner that was reminiscent of slavery but that instead established indentured laborers as subjects with limited rights. The dissertation chronicles how indenture contracts spawned a complex inter-imperial bureaucracy in British India, Britain, and the Caribbean that was responsible for the transportation and governance of East Indian indentured laborers overseas.

The presence of the Aragonese language in the magazine "El Ebro" (1917-1936)

El Ebro (1917-1936) was a magazine published in Barcelona by Aragonese emigrants at the beginning of the 20th century. It was the first experience of coexistence of different dialectal varieties of the Aragonese language in the same media. El Ebro was an experience that has gone virtually unnoticed in the recent history of one of the most minority languages, and with minor media presence, of Western Europe. In its pages El Ebro mixed dialects spoken in different regions of linguistic Aragonese area together with transcripts of medieval documents. At the same time, this newspaper raised debates about the language issue that they were truncated due to disappearance of the publication and the lack of theoretical realization