The predicate marker li in Mauritian Creole

There is a morpheme 'li' in Mauritian Creole (MC), which is homophonous with the 3sg pronoun, and which, in the early creole, occurs frequently between the subject and the predicate in affirmative, present tense clauses. I propose that that 'li' may have originated as a resumptive pronoun, co-referential with the subject, but following the grammaticalization of new determiner elements to mark the semantic contrasts of [±definite] and singular vs. plural, 'li' has now grammaticalized into a predicate marker. Its presence is sensitive to both the nature of the predicate, and to the definiteness and specificity features of the subject NP. My analysis is within the framework of Truth Conditional Semantics, where indefinite NPs are analyzed as variables that get introduced into the discourse, and must be bound by an operator to yield a closed proposition, with a truth value. Drawing on a comparison with a cognative morpheme 'i' in Seychellois Creole, I claim that its path to grammaticalization is linked to that of the specificity marking 'la'.

From possessive pronoun to emphatic determiner: 'so' in Mauritian Creole

This paper argues that at a particular stage in the genesis of Mauritian Creole (MC), the 3sg possessive pronoun 'so', inherited from the French 'son' was used as a definite determiner as well as a possessive pronoun. It was used when there was a need to single out a unique element in the discourse, or to introduce a new referent which was to become the focus of attention. 'So' was mostly used with genitive constructions, where a phonologically null determiner was equally grammatical. This paper argues that, in the early creole, genitive constructions licensed the determinative use of this pronoun. The use of 'so' with genitive constructions is no longer grammatical in modern MC, but this particle continues to be used as an emphatic determiner, where it now modifies both singular and plural NPs.

The Relative Frequency of the Synthetic End Composite Futures in the Newspaper Quest-France and some Observations on Distribution

Figures on the relative frequency of synthetic and composite future forms in Ouest-France are presented and compared with those of earlier studies on the passé simple and passé composé. The synthetic future is found to be dominant. Possible formal explanations for distribution are found to be inconclusive. Distribution across different text-types is found to be more promising, since contrastive functions of the two forms can be identified in texts where they co-occur. The composite future typically reports new proposals or plans as current news, while the synthetic future outlines details that will be realised at the time of implementation. Both functions are important in dailies, but current news is more often expressed in the present tense at the expense of the composite future.