867 resultados para political power


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La propuesta mural “Loja: Identidad Cultural” constituye una aspiración y requerimiento de la comunidad lojana, evidenciadas en el trabajo investigativo realizado en el Barrio Zamora de la ciudad de Loja, sector de la intersección de las calles José María Egas y Matilde Hidalgo de Procel, sobre el tema: “Las relaciones entre el arte mural, los espacios públicos y emblemáticos de la ciudad de Loja”. En el trabajo se pretende acercarse a la noción de espacio público con un recorrido por la historia que ayuda a dilucidar la diferencia entre lo público y lo privado. Así mismo, se advierte en las comunidades que las relaciones y acciones sociales, entre ellas el arte, constituyen elementos generadores de espacios propicios que fomentan el diálogo, la convivencia y la identidad. En uno de los capítulos se hace referencia al Muralismo como uno de los principales movimientos y corrientes de intervención del espacio público, sus orígenes, desarrollo y cómo se convirtió en una herramienta de poder político y de gestión en algunos países del mundo. También se realizó un breve estudio de los muralistas latinoamericanos, nacionales y locales, mediante un análisis comparativo y de registro de obras muralísticas que se encuentran en lugares públicos e importantes de la ciudad de Loja. La obra mural que fuera presentada y entregada a la comunidad lojana, en el acto público realizado el 18 de febrero del 2016 con la asistencia de representantes de las entidades seccionales, delegados de instituciones culturales, artistas plásticos, docentes y estudiantes de varios colegios de la ciudad; proyectó en su contenido el proceso histórico, aspectos culturales, personajes y elementos que buscan configurar la conciencia y la identidad lojana. La técnica que se utilizó en los 250 m2 es el acrílico y esmalte sobre ladrillo, mampostería y latón.

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This paper seeks to reframe the conventional characterization of Kachin conflict which is anchored in ethnicity. Based on a series of interviews the paper focuses on how power is framed and contested in relation to processes of identification. Identity is defined as the politicised manifestation of ideological underpinnings associated with the distribution and management of political power. Thus the paper draws together field research conducted by the authors in late 2014, with theoretical discussion around key ideas often employed in analysing these conflicts: 'ethnicity', 'national race', 'identity', 'territory' and 'resource' conflict. The paper concludes that 'ethnicity' has become the outward manifestation of a conflict that is actually far more deeply underpinned by issues of political rights and distribution, state power versus decentralisation, the quest for equality and freedom, and the question of who constitute the demos in Myanmar’s democracy.

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El conflicto armado en Guatemala se originó por el abuso de poder, la desigualdad, la exclusión y la profunda discriminación, sobre todo hacia la población indígena, a la que se le han desconocido históricamente sus derechos y que fue la más afligida durante el conflicto. Lo que desembocó en el nacimiento de grupos al margen de la ley, cuyo propósito fue reivindicar los derechos de la población, así como la equidad y justicia social. El conflicto se caracterizó por la formación de grupos paramilitares, la violación al Derecho Internacional Humanitario, el elevado número de víctimas del conflicto, mayoritariamente indígenas y porque más del 85% de las violaciones a los derechos humanos fueron perpetradas por el Estado. Gracias a la voluntad política, al respaldo de la comunidad internacional, especialmente de la Organización de Naciones Unidas -ONU, y a los buenos oficios de la Comisión Nacional de Reconciliación – CNR, se lograron firmar los Acuerdos de Paz y dar fin a este cruento conflicto de más de 36 años. Las partes firmantes vieron la necesidad de que un ente autónomo e imparcial de Naciones Unidas, verificara el cumplimiento de La Misión de Naciones Unidas en Guatemala - MINUGUA contribuyó a la promoción, defensa y garantía de los derechos de la población indígena guatemalteca. Específicamente, incidió en el cumplimiento de los compromisos contenidos en el Acuerdo sobre Identidad y Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas guatemaltecos –AIDPI, que fue suscrito el 31 de marzo de 1995, asimismo, contribuyó a la garantía del derecho a la justicia de la población indígena, lo que se evidenció en las acciones y el papel que desempeñó en los componentes de verdad, justicia y reparación.

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This archaeovitreological study deals with artefacts of Miranduolo site, Tuscany region (Italy), dated 1250-1350 AD. The Miranduolo site is a medieval hill-village dated from 7th to 14th century. The information obtained reveal that Miranduolo was under control of noble families, which displayed the social, economic and political power. It is marked by controlling the farmers and metal workers on the site, as well as having control over agricultural surpluses. No in situ glass workshop has been recovered, implying that the glass artefacts were imported. One aim of this work is application of SEM-EDS to visualize textural characteristics and thickness of the pristine glass and corrosion layers. Preliminary qualification and semi-quantification of major and minor chemical elements will provide the data on the glass group present and fluxes employed. The data obtained will be integrated with the one obtained by more sensitive techniques such as PIXE/PIGE and LA-ICP-MS. Twenty cross-sections of transparent glasses (colorless, azure, and different hues of yellow and) have been analyzed by VP-SEM. All the analyzed glasses display a homogenous matrix. Only four samples (MD 24, MD 139, MD 143, MD 259) show corrosion layers of various thickness with 2.25μm, 136-500 μm, 26.8 μm and 17.01 μm. EDS linescan analyses indicate strong depletion in the corrosion layers of Na and K, while Ca depletes to a minor extent. In general, both glass composition and the burial conditions were favorable for preservation. Samples can be classified as mainly plant ash Na-Ca-Si glasses made with both unpurified and purified Levantine ash. Only sample MD 243 is made from Barilla plant ash. Sample MD 139 cannot be classified into main compositional groups as K2O is 1.33 wt% and MgO 5.92 wt%. In 8 samples MnO content is lower than 0.8 wt%, meaning that in these samples MnO is naturally present. In other 12 samples, MnO above 0.8 wt% indicates deliberate addition as a decolorant agent to intentionally obtain different hues or the amount added was not successful in making the glass transparent. The results considering fluxes are compatible with archaeovitreological study from contemporary primary glass workshops in Tuscany. For determining the provenance of silica sources, further analysis with more sensitive techniques has to be carried out; Resumo: Este estudo “arqueovitreologia” lida com artefatos do local Miranduolo, região da Toscana (Itália), datados de 1250-1350 AD. O sitio de Miranduolo é uma colina vila medieval datada do séc.VII ao séc.XIV. As informações obtidas revelam que Miranduolo estava sob o controle de famílias nobres, que exibiu o poder social, económico e político. É marcado por controlar os agricultores e trabalhadores do metal no sitio, bem como ter controlo sobre os excedentes agrícolas. Não há na oficina de vidro in situ foi recuperado, o que implica que os artefactos de vidro foram importados. Um dos objetivos deste trabalho é a aplicação de SEM-EDS para visualizar características de textura e espessura das camadas de corrosão do vidro também como da áreas originais. qualificação preliminar e semi-quantificação de maiores e menores elementos químicos irá fornecer os dados sobre o grupo presente vidro e fluxos empregado. Os dados obtidos são integrados com os dados obtidos por meio de técnicas mais sensíveis, como PIXE / PIGE e LA-ICP-MS. Vinte secções transversais de vidros transparentes (incolor, azul celeste, e diferentes tons de amarelo) foram analisados por VP-SEM. Todos os vidros analisados exibir uma matriz homogénea. Apenas quatro amostras (MD 24, MD 139, MD 143, MD 259) mostram camadas de corrosão de várias espessuras com 2.25μm, 136-500μm, 26,8μm e 17,01μm. Análises Linescan EDS indicam forte esgotamento nas camadas de corrosão de Na e K, enquanto Ca esgota, em menor grau. Em geral, tanto a composição de vidro e as condições de depósito foram favoráveis para a preservação. As amostras podem ser classificados como vidros principalmente Na-Ca-Si feitas com cinzas de plantas do tipo levantino, não purificada e purificada. Apenas a amostra MD 243 é feita a partir de cinzas vegetais tipo “Barilla”. A amostra MD 139 não pode ser classificada em grupos principais de composição porque K2O é 1,33% em peso e MgO 5,92% em peso. Em 8 amostras, o teor de MnO é menor do que 0,8% em peso, o que significa que nestas amostras MnO está naturalmente presente. Em outras 12 amostras, MnO acima de 0,8% em peso indica adição intencional como um agente de colorante para obter intencionalmente diferentes matizes ou o valor acrescentado não foi bem sucedido em fazer o vidro transparente. Os resultados, considerando os fluxos são compatíveis com o estudo “arqueovitreologico” com as principais oficinas de vidro contemporâneos na Toscana. Para determinar a origem das fontes de sílica, uma análise mais aprofundada com técnicas mais sensíveis tem de ser levada a cabo.

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This article is concerned with resituating the state at the centre of the analytical stage and, concomitantly, with drawing attention to the dangers of losing sight of the state as a locus of power. It seeks to uncover the relationship between two related lines of critical inquiry: Marxist and Foucauldian theories of the state; and the attempts by three postwar American novelist (Ken Kesey, William Burroughs and E.L. Doctorow) to determine the nature and extent of this power and to consider under what conditions political struggle might be possible. It argues that such a move is needed because recent critical analysis has been too preoccupied by corporeal micropolitics and global macropolitics, and that the postwar American novel can help us in this move because it is centrally concerned with the repressive potentiality of the US state. It maintains that the resuscitation of Marxist state theories in early 1970s and a debate between Poulantzas and Foucault is intriguingly foreshadowed and even critiqued by these novels. Consequently, it concludes that these novels constitute an unrecognized pre-history of what would become one of the key intellectual debates of the late twentieth century: an engagement between Marxist and post-structuralist conceptions of the power and resistance.

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We are constantly reminded that we live in a 'knowledge society, and indeed that with a 'knowledge economy' a nation's international competiveness is directly linked to its ability to innovate, out-compete and successfully commercialise knowledge. INcreasingly, research within universities is being directed, incetivized and ultimately disciplined towards clear 'economic' priorities. This article offers a critical analysis - employing a broad political economy approach - of the ways in which research within universities and other places of higher learning has become increasingly orientated towards a narrow set of economic goals.

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External shocks to democratic systems are likely to threaten the stability of relations between the executive and the representative assembly. This article investigates the impact of the so-called “war on terror” on executive-assembly relations in comparative perspective. We analyze data from seven countries, which varied in terms of form of government, level of democracy, culture, social structure, and geographic location, to evaluate its effects. We find that whereas in some systems the “war on terror” altered the balance of power between the executive and the assembly, in other cases the extant balance of power was preserved. We postulate various conditions under which the constitutionally sanctioned balance of power is most likely to be preserved in times of crisis.

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Since the 1990s, international water sector reforms have centred heavily on economic and market approaches. In regard to water resources management, tradable water rights have been promoted, often supported by the neoliberal model adopted in Chile. Chile's 1981 Water Code was reformed to comprise a system of water rights that could be freely traded with few restrictions. International financial institutions have embraced the Chilean model, claiming that it results in more efficient water use, and potentially fosters social and environmental benefits. However, in Chile the Water Code is deeply contested. It has been criticised for being too permissive and has produced a number of problems in practice. Moreover, attempts to modify it have become the focus of a lengthy polemic debate. This paper employs a political ecology perspective to explore the socio-environmental outcomes of water management in Chile, drawing on a case study of agriculture in the semi-arid Norte Chico. The case illustrates how large-scale farmers exert greater control over water, while peasant farmers have increasingly less access. I argue that these outcomes are facilitated by the mode of water management implemented within the framework of the Water Code. Through this preliminary examination of social equity and the environmental aspects of water resources management in Chile, I suggest that the omission of these issues from the international debates on water rights markets is a cause for concern.

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The purpose of this volume is to examine and evaluate the impact of international state-building interventions on the political economy of post-conflict countries over the last 20 years. It analyses how international interventions have shaped political and economic dynamics and structures – both formal and informal – and what kind of state, and what kind of state-society relations have been created as a result, through three different lenses: first, through the approaches taken by different international actors like the UN, the International Financial Institutions, or the European Union, to state-building; second, through detailed analysis of key state-building policies; and third, through a wide range of country case studies. Amongst the recurring themes that are highlighted by the book’s focus on the political economy of state-building, and that help to explain why international state-building interventions have tended to fall short of the visions of interveners and local populations alike are evidence of important continuities between war-time and “post-conflict” economies and authority structures, which are often consolidated as a consequence of international involvement; tensions arising from what are often the competing interests and values held by different interveners and local actors; and, finally, the continuing salience of economic and political violence in state-building processes and war-to-peace transitions. The book aims to offer a more nuanced understanding of the complex impact of state-building practices on post-conflict societies, and of the political economy of post-conflict state-building.

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Harold Pinter’s A Night Out is a significant but rarely produced piece of drama. Therefore, there is very little criticism to support or contradict my argument. The reason why I chose to do my essay on this particular play is to open doors for academic research and to try and make it an equal to its sister plays. I will raise questions and topics to prove the play is worth the readers’ time and effort and that A Night Out is a sharp piece of political theatre. Although at first glance it is a simple enough story, a straightforward tale of the nasty consequences of motherly love when it is pushed to the limit, on deeper inspection, a more far reaching and complex analysis of the abuse of power can be observed. The play offers a variety of themes, including: interpersonal power struggles, failed attempts at communication, antagonistic relationships, the threat of impending or past violence, the struggle for survival or identity, domination and submission, politics, lies and verbal, physical, psychological and sexual abuse. The prevailing theme in the play is the abuse of power: powerful parties oppressing weaker ones, and the results of the oppressed party looking for a vent in someone even weaker than themselves.

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Chronic communal conflicts resemble the prisoner’s dilemma. Both communities prefer peace to war. But neither trusts the other, viewing the other’s gain as its own loss, so potentially shared interests often go unrealized. Achieving positive-sum outcomes from apparently zero-sum struggles requires a kind of riskembracing leadership. To succeed leaders must: a) see power relations as potentially positive-sum; b) strengthen negotiating adversaries instead of weakening them; and c) demonstrate hope for a positive future and take great personal risks to achieve it. Such leadership is exemplified by Nelson Mandela and F.W. de Klerk in the South African democratic transition. To illuminate the strategic dilemmas Mandela and de Klerk faced, we examine the work of Robert Axelrod, Thomas Schelling, and Josep Colomer, who highlight important dimensions of the problem but underplay the role of risk-embracing leadership. Finally we discuss leadership successes and failures in the Northern Ireland settlement and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

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Résumé. Le traité de Lisbonne a procédé à une importante réforme de la comitologie, en établissant deux catégories d’instruments: les actes d’exécution et les actes délégués. Pour ces derniers, le Parlement européen a obtenu des pouvoirs importants et est pour la première fois sur un strict pied d’égalité avec le Conseil dans le système exécutif. En vertu d’une approche institutionnaliste rationnelle, cet article analyse comment le Parlement, à l’origine exclu du système, est parvenu à acquérir les pouvoirs qui sont formellement les siens aujourd’hui. Ensuite, l’action du Parlement face à ses nouveaux pouvoirs dans le cadre des actes délégués est abordée. Il s’agit d’étudier comment le Parlement défend ses prérogatives dans les relations interinstitutionnelles et agit après l’acquisition de nouvelles prérogatives. Cette analyse permet plus globalement d’aborder des aspects essentiels du fonctionnement du Parlement européen, de l’Union européenne ainsi que ses dynamiques (inter)institutionnelles.