951 resultados para Policy agenda


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This dissertation explores three aspects of the economics and policy issues surrounding retail payments (low-value frequent payments): the microeconomic aspect, by measuring costs associated with retail payment instruments; the macroeconomic aspect, by quantifying the impact of the use of electronic rather than paper-based payment instruments on consumption and GDP; and the policy aspect, by identifying barriers that keep countries stuck with outdated payment systems, and recommending policy interventions to move forward with payments modernization. Payment system modernization has become a prominent part of the financial sector reform agenda in many advanced and developing countries. Greater use of electronic payments rather than cash and other paper-based instruments would have important economic and social benefits, including lower costs and thereby increased economic efficiency and higher incomes, while broadening access to the financial system, notably for people with moderate and low incomes. The dissertation starts with a general introduction on retail payments. Chapter 1 develops a theoretical model for measuring payments costs, and applies the model to Guyana—an emerging market in the midst of the transition from paper to electronic payments. Using primary survey data from Guyanese consumers, the results of the analysis indicate that annual costs related to the use of cash by consumers reach 2.5 percent of the country’s GDP. Switching to electronic payment instruments would provide savings amounting to 1 percent of GDP per year. Chapter 2 broadens the analysis to calculate the macroeconomic impacts of a move to electronic payments. Using a unique panel dataset of 76 countries across the 17-year span from 1998 to 2014 and a pooled OLS country fixed effects model, Chapter 2 finds that on average, use of debit and credit cards contribute USD 16.2 billion to annual global consumption, and USD 160 billion to overall annual global GDP. Chapter 3 provides an in-depth assessment of the Albanian payment cards and remittances market and recommends a set of incentives and regulations (both carrots and sticks) that would allow the country to modernize its payment system. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the lessons of the dissertation’s research and brings forward issues to be explored by future research in the retail payments area.

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Background: Community participation has become an integral part of many areas of public policy over the last two decades. For a variety of reasons, ranging from concerns about social cohesion and unrest to perceived failings in public services, governments in the UK and elsewhere have turned to communities as both a site of intervention and a potential solution. In contemporary policy, the shift to community is exemplified by the UK Government’s Big Society/Localism agenda and the Scottish Government’s emphasis on Community Empowerment. Through such policies, communities have been increasingly encouraged to help themselves in various ways, to work with public agencies in reshaping services, and to become more engaged in the democratic process. These developments have led some theorists to argue that responsibilities are being shifted from the state onto communities, representing a new form of 'government through community' (Rose, 1996; Imrie and Raco, 2003). Despite this policy development, there is surprisingly little evidence which demonstrates the outcomes of the different forms of community participation. This study attempts to address this gap in two ways. Firstly, it explores the ways in which community participation policy in Scotland and England are playing out in practice. And secondly, it assesses the outcomes of different forms of community participation taking place within these broad policy contexts. Methodology: The study employs an innovative combination of the two main theory-based evaluation methodologies, Theories of Change (ToC) and Realist Evaluation (RE), building on ideas generated by earlier applications of each approach (Blamey and Mackenzie, 2007). ToC methodology is used to analyse the national policy frameworks and the general approach of community organisations in six case studies, three in Scotland and three in England. The local evidence from the community organisations’ theories of change is then used to analyse and critique the assumptions which underlie the Localism and Community Empowerment policies. Alongside this, across the six case studies, a RE approach is utilised to examine the specific mechanisms which operate to deliver outcomes from community participation processes, and to explore the contextual factors which influence their operation. Given the innovative methodological approach, the study also engages in some focused reflection on the practicality and usefulness of combining ToC and RE approaches. Findings: The case studies provide significant evidence of the outcomes that community organisations can deliver through directly providing services or facilities, and through influencing public services. Important contextual factors in both countries include particular strengths within communities and positive relationships with at least part of the local state, although this often exists in parallel with elements of conflict. Notably this evidence suggests that the idea of responsibilisation needs to be examined in a more nuanced fashion, incorporating issues of risk and power, as well the active agency of communities and the local state. Thus communities may sometimes willingly take on responsibility in return for power, although this may also engender significant risk, with the balance between these three elements being significantly mediated by local government. The evidence also highlights the impacts of austerity on community participation, with cuts to local government budgets in particular increasing the degree of risk and responsibility for communities and reducing opportunities for power. Furthermore, the case studies demonstrate the importance of inequalities within and between communities, operating through a socio-economic gradient in community capacity. This has the potential to make community participation policy regressive as more affluent communities are more able to take advantage of additional powers and local authorities have less resource to support the capacity of more disadvantaged communities. For Localism in particular, the findings suggest that some of the ‘new community rights’ may provide opportunities for communities to gain power and generate positive social outcomes. However, the English case studies also highlight the substantial risks involved and the extent to which such opportunities are being undermined by austerity. The case studies suggest that cuts to local government budgets have the potential to undermine some aspects of Localism almost entirely, and that the very limited interest in inequalities means that Localism may be both ‘empowering the powerful’ (Hastings and Matthews, 2014) and further disempowering the powerless. For Community Empowerment, the study demonstrates the ways in which community organisations can gain power and deliver positive social outcomes within the broad policy framework. However, whilst Community Empowerment is ostensibly less regressive, there are still significant challenges to be addressed. In particular, the case studies highlight significant constraints on the notion that communities can ‘choose their own level of empowerment’, and the assumption of partnership working between communities and the local state needs to take into account the evidence of very mixed relationships in practice. Most importantly, whilst austerity has had more limited impacts on local government in Scotland so far, the projected cuts in this area may leave Community Empowerment vulnerable to the dangers of regressive impact highlighted for Localism. Methodologically, the study shows that ToC and RE can be practically applied together and that there may be significant benefits of the combination. ToC offers a productive framework for policy analysis and combining this with data derived from local ToCs provides a powerful lens through which to examine and critique the aims and assumptions of national policy. ToC models also provide a useful framework within which to identify specific causal mechanisms, using RE methodology and, again, the data from local ToC work can enable significant learning about ‘what works for whom in what circumstances’ (Pawson and Tilley, 1997).

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Since the end of the Cold War, Japan’s defense policy and politics has gone through significant changes. Throughout the post cold war period, US-Japan alliance managers, politicians with differing visions and preferences, scholars, think tanks, and the actions of foreign governments have all played significant roles in influencing these changes. Along with these actors, the Japanese prime minister has played an important, if sometimes subtle, role in the realm of defense policy and politics. Japanese prime ministers, though significantly weaker than many heads of state, nevertheless play an important role in policy by empowering different actors (bureaucratic actors, independent commissions, or civil actors), through personal diplomacy, through agenda-setting, and through symbolic acts of state. The power of the prime minister to influence policy processes, however, has frequently varied by prime minister. My dissertation investigates how different political strategies and entrepreneurial insights by the prime minister have influenced defense policy and politics since the end of the Cold War. In addition, it seeks to explain how the quality of political strategy and entrepreneurial insight employed by different prime ministers was important in the success of different approaches to defense. My dissertation employs a comparative case study approach to examine how different prime ministerial strategies have mattered in the realm of Japanese defense policy and politics. Three prime ministers have been chosen: Prime Minister Hashimoto Ryutaro (1996-1998); Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro (2001-2006); and Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009-2010). These prime ministers have been chosen to provide maximum contrast on issues of policy preference, cabinet management, choice of partners, and overall strategy. As my dissertation finds, the quality of political strategy has been an important aspect of Japan’s defense transformation. Successful strategies have frequently used the knowledge and accumulated personal networks of bureaucrats, supplemented bureaucratic initiatives with top-down personal diplomacy, and used a revitalized US-Japan strategic relationship as a political resource for a stronger prime ministership. Though alternative approaches, such as those that have looked to displace the influence of bureaucrats and the US in defense policy, have been less successful, this dissertation also finds theoretical evidence that alternatives may exist.

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El objetivo de este artículo es analizar cómo el debate ciudadano incide en la gestación de procesos de gobernanza en la Agenda Interlocal de Desarrollo Kennedy-Bosa, proyecto de participación ciudadana en Bogotá. A través del documento se pretende demostrar que el debate: 1) permitió que las organizaciones sociales, presentes en la Agenda Interlocal, entablaran relaciones horizontales; 2) posibilitó la interacción de múltiples actores de la ciudad, entre ellos Secretarías Distritales y entidades privadas; 3) promocionó el diálogo y el intercambio de ideas como medio para la resolución de problemáticas identificadas en las localidades de Bosa y Kennedy. Para demostrar lo anterior, se realizó observación participante y entrevistas en las que se evidenció el proceso de toma de decisiones y la interacción de los actores presentes en la Agenda.

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La crisis de gobcrnabilidad de los recursos hídricos es clara y evidente en Costa Rica. Estos recursos están en proceso de deterioro y peligrosamente amenazados. En tan solo cinco décadas se pasó de la riqueza y abundancia de agua, a la vulnerabilidad y escasez de ésta. Un conjunto de realidades ha originado la mencionada crisis: la ausencia de políticas hídricas integrales, claras y estables, un marco legal desactualizado. estático y de mínimo cumplimiento, que ha permitido el uso ineficiente y la contaminación de los cuerpos de agua y desde luego la cultura dominante de poca o ninguna valoración del agua como recurso vital para el desarrollo presente y futuro de todas las especies que poblamos el país.La Agenda Ambiental del Agua en Costa Rica ha sido elaborada mediante un proceso parlicipativo. donde diversos actores sociales en diferentes regiones —Limón, Liberia y la Gran Area Metropolitana (GAM)— priorizaron los 10 principales problemas y sus potenciales soluciones:1) La educación formal e informal es muy débil respecto a como alcanzar el uso eficiente e inteligente de los recursos hrdricos. Igualmente, es débil para revertir el patrón de manejo de vertidos sin responsabilidad social.2) La excesiva centralización de las decisiones. Muy poca participación ciudadana tanto en la estructura organizativa como en la toma de decisiones.3) La inoperancia del marco institucional y legal —desconocimiento por parte de la sociedad civil de los procesos de denuncia y otros; la tramitología de denuncia es demasiado lenta e ineficiente, razón por la cual los denunciantes se cansan y desaniman—.4) La deficiente y casi nula valoración económica del agua, que tome en cuenta el manejo integral de las cuencas y la búsqueda de la permanencia del recurso en el futuro.5) La ausencia de planes hídricos de cuencas donde el plan regulador sea un componente básico.6) La desigual calidad del agua para los costarricenses según operador del servicio y región geográfica.7) La contaminación de aguas superficiales y subterráneas.8) La ausencia de conocimiento, socialización, sistematización y movilización en relación con el manejo del agua. Es necesario el aumento de las capacidades tanto técnicas y científicas como de cambio de cultura y conocimiento popular.9) Falta de información básica y mecanismos claros para poder utilizarla.10) La información existente en la actualidad se encuentra dispersa en diferentes orgarnza ciones y en algunos investigadores, lo que impide su uso efectivo.La Agenda Ambiental del Agua en Costa Rica aproxima los costos para la solución de los problemas apuntados anteriormente. Se necesita invertir alrededor de US$J .500 millones para abordar la gestión integrada de los recursos hídricos en el país.Abstract: The crisis of governance of thc watcr resources is clear and evideni in Costa Rica. These resources are in proccss oídeterioration anddangerously threatened. In only five decades it passed of che wealth and water abundance, to che vulnerability and shortagc of thc same one. A set of realities has originated dic mentioned crisis; dic abscncc of an integral, clear and siable water policy, a legal framework out of date. static one and of minimal fulfillmeni. which has allowed che inefficicrn use and ihe pollution ofihe water bodies. And certainly. hc dominecring culture of small ci no valuation to the water as vital resource for thc prcscnt and future dcvclopment of alI dic species. thai we populate che country.The Environmental Agenda of the Water in Costa Rica has bccn claborated by means of a participatory proccss. which includes several social actors in diverse regions —Limon. Liberia and Great Metropolitan Area (GAM) These actors prioritized lO principal problems related to water resources and thcir potential solutions:1) The formal and informal education is very weak with regard to since as reaches the efficient and intelligeni use of thc water resources. Equally. dic boss of managing is weak for revert of spilt without social responsibilicy.2) The excessive centralization of che decisions with very little civil parlicipation. both in the organizational siructure and in the decision making process.3) The un.workability of ihe institutional and legal framewoik —ignorance cii che pan of civil society of che proces.ses of denunciation and others the denunciation niechanism is ioo slow and inefticieni, a reason for which dic cbtmants get tired and discouragc—.4) Thedeficientone and almosi voideconomic valuationofthe waier. which bears in mmd the integral managing of the basin and dic scarc h of dic permancncy of dic resource to future.5) Thc absence of water plans of basin where dic regulatory plan is a basic component.6) The unequal quality of the water for dic Costa Ricans according tooperacor of dic service and geographica] region.7) The pollution of superficial and underground waters.8) The absence of knowledgc. socializ.arion, systematizing and mobilization in relation co the waier managing. Thc increase of dic capacities is necessary so much tcchnical and scicntific like of change of culture and popular knowledge.9) Lack of basic information and clear mechanisms to be able to use it.10) Thc cxisting information aL preseni is dispersed in different organizations and in sorne investigators, which prevents ihe effective use of the same one.The Environmental Agenda of the Water in Costa Rica brings the costs near for the solution of the pointed problems previously. Costa Rica needs to invest about US$1.500 million Lo approach ihe integrated managcment of the water resources in the country.

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The objective of this study is to verify the dynamics between fiscal policy, measured by public debt, and monetary policy, measured by a reaction function of a central bank. Changes in monetary policies due to deviations from their targets always generate fiscal impacts. We examine two policy reaction functions: the first related to inflation targets and the second related to economic growth targets. We find that the condition for stable equilibrium is more restrictive in the first case than in the second. We then apply our simulation model to Brazil and United Kingdom and find that the equilibrium is unstable in the Brazilian case but stable in the UK case.

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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O recente documento do Ministério do Planejamento sobre Fundações Públicas (2005) e a crise da área hospitalar colocaram novamente na agenda do SUS a questão dos modelos de gestão pública. O objetivo deste artigo é situar no contexto das reformas de estado pensadas na década de 90 para o Brasil, as propostas de mudança dos modelos de gestão da administração pública, com foco no processo de implementação do SUS. Essa abordagem trata em primeiro lugar da personalidade jurídica das organizações de saúde na esfera estatal, conceituando o público a partir de seus objetivos; em segundo, discute o contexto as reformas de estado e as mudanças propostas para a administração pública. Os autores entendem que critérios e parâmetros para avaliação institucional devem contemplar quatro aspectos: subordinação à política de saúde; legalidade; eficiência gerencial e capacidade de controle. A partir do quadro de referencia geral elaborou-se uma análise comparativa em relação à proposta das fundações públicas de direito privado. Na análise comparativa das características desse tipo de entidade proposta para gestão hospitalar, observam-se semelhanças com a proposta de Organizações Sociais. Fundação Estatal e Contrato de Gestão podem ser vistos como modelos que possibilitam modernizar o Estado, além de re-introduzirem o tema da reforma hospitalar na agenda governamental brasileira

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Desde a criação do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS) em 1988, a inserção da saúde bucal é marcada por conflitos e contradições, expressando os diferentes projetos em disputa na sociedade brasileira. No período pré-SUS predominavam programas odontológicos centralizados e verticais, tendo escolares e trabalhadores inscritos na previdência social como população-alvo. Com a criação do SUS, esse enfoque tornou-se incompatível com um sistema unificado e descentralizado de caráter universalista. Abriu-se, então, a possibilidade de conformação de uma agenda para gestão da saúde bucal enquanto política pública. Neste artigo são abordados alguns dos aspectos mais relevantes que marcaram os 20 anos de construção dessa política no plano nacional

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This paper emphasizes the important changes in Brazilian foreign policy after Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva took tip the power in 2002. The paper defends the idea that it is not possible to argue that there were deep changes in comparison to Cardoso's administration. However, evidence shows that new things are happening as regards the design of a more active and clear foreign action line which led to institutional changes and to more incisive multilateral paths. This results both from the political profile of the direct operators of foreign policy and the aims of lite presidential diplomacy, The hypothesis dealt with on this paper consists on the fact that Lula's administration has not fully broken with the old administration practices, however the aims of global and regional integration are being plotted more clearly and with a higher degree of activism. This becomes clear in three aspects of the Brazilian foreign policy: the institutional framework, the practice of multilateralism and the foreign policy towards the South, the three topics analyzed in this paper.

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Background: In a number of malaria endemic regions, tourists and travellers face a declining risk of travel associated malaria, in part due to successful malaria control. Many millions of visitors to these regions are recommended, via national and international policy, to use chemoprophylaxis which has a well recognized morbidity profile. To evaluate whether current malaria chemo-prophylactic policy for travellers is cost effective when adjusted for endemic transmission risk and duration of exposure. a framework, based on partial cost-benefit analysis was used Methods: Using a three component model combining a probability component, a cost component and a malaria risk component, the study estimated health costs avoided through use of chemoprophylaxis and costs of disease prevention (including adverse events and pre-travel advice for visits to five popular high and low malaria endemic regions) and malaria transmission risk using imported malaria cases and numbers of travellers to malarious countries. By calculating the minimal threshold malaria risk below which the economic costs of chemoprophylaxis are greater than the avoided health costs we were able to identify the point at which chemoprophylaxis would be economically rational. Results: The threshold incidence at which malaria chemoprophylaxis policy becomes cost effective for UK travellers is an accumulated risk of 1.13% assuming a given set of cost parameters. The period a travellers need to remain exposed to achieve this accumulated risk varied from 30 to more than 365 days, depending on the regions intensity of malaria transmission. Conclusions: The cost-benefit analysis identified that chemoprophylaxis use was not a cost-effective policy for travellers to Thailand or the Amazon region of Brazil, but was cost-effective for travel to West Africa and for those staying longer than 45 days in India and Indonesia.

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This study presents a decision-making method for maintenance policy selection of power plants equipment. The method is based on risk analysis concepts. The method first step consists in identifying critical equipment both for power plant operational performance and availability based on risk concepts. The second step involves the proposal of a potential maintenance policy that could be applied to critical equipment in order to increase its availability. The costs associated with each potential maintenance policy must be estimated, including the maintenance costs and the cost of failure that measures the critical equipment failure consequences for the power plant operation. Once the failure probabilities and the costs of failures are estimated, a decision-making procedure is applied to select the best maintenance policy. The decision criterion is to minimize the equipment cost of failure, considering the costs and likelihood of occurrence of failure scenarios. The method is applied to the analysis of a lubrication oil system used in gas turbines journal bearings. The turbine has more than 150 MW nominal output, installed in an open cycle thermoelectric power plant. A design modification with the installation of a redundant oil pump is proposed for lubricating oil system availability improvement. (C) 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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The main goal of this paper is to apply the so-called policy iteration algorithm (PIA) for the long run average continuous control problem of piecewise deterministic Markov processes (PDMP`s) taking values in a general Borel space and with compact action space depending on the state variable. In order to do that we first derive some important properties for a pseudo-Poisson equation associated to the problem. In the sequence it is shown that the convergence of the PIA to a solution satisfying the optimality equation holds under some classical hypotheses and that this optimal solution yields to an optimal control strategy for the average control problem for the continuous-time PDMP in a feedback form.