News from an Old Excavation: Two Hitherto Unnoticed Measure Capacity Signs on an Egyptian Stone Vessel of the Middle Kingdom from Royal Tomb II at Byblos

Excavated by French Egyptologist P. Montet in the 1920s, Royal Tomb II at Byblos (Bronze Age Gubla) yielded a significant number of Egyptian objects of the Middle Kingdom. Among these finds is a stone vessel with lid that carries the cartouche of a king named Amenemhat, often believed to be Amenemhat IV of the late Middle Kingdom. Hitherto unnoticed by the scholarly community, however, are two Egyptian measure capacity signs on the stone vessel itself. Since measure capacity signs on stone vessels dating to the Middle Kingdom are only rarely attested even in Egypt, the signs on the stone vessel from Royal Tomb II at Byblos therefore contribute considerably to our understanding of the use and application of such signs. The article deals with the examination of these signs and tries to correlate them with the actual capacity of the vessel.

Anmerkungen zu den (spät)persischen Samaria-Bullen aus dem Wadi ed-Dalije. Hellenisches, Persisches und Lokaltraditionen im Grenzgebiet der Provinz Jehud

The present article deals exemplarily with the remarkable iconographic attestations connected with the Wadi ed-Daliye (WD) findings. The discussed bullae were attached to papyri which provide a clear dating of the hoard between 375-335 BCE. Considering style and convention the preserved motives are to be classified as Persian, Greek or Greco-Persian. A major goal of the following presentation is the contextualization of the very material; this is achieved by taking into account local parallels as well as relevant attestations of the dominant / “imperial” cultures of Persia and Greece. The correlation of motives with the (often more complex, more detailed or more contoured) examples stemming from the “source-cultures” follows a clear agenda: It is methodologically based on the approach that was employed by Silvia Schroer and Othmar Keel throughout the project „Die Ikonographie Palästinas/Israels und der Alte Orient (IPIAO). Eine Religionsgeschichte in Bildern” (2005, 23ff). The WD-findings demand a careful analysis since the influencing cultures behind the imagery are deeply rooted in the field of Greek mythology and iconography. Special attention has to be drawn to the bullae, as far as excavated, from a huge Punic temple archive of Carthago (Berges 1997 and 2002) as well as those from the archive of the satrap seat in Daskyleion in the Northwest of Asia Minor (Kaptan 2002), which are chronologically close (end 5th and 4th century BCE) to the WD-finds. Not each and every single motive and artifact of the WD-corpus comprising more than 120 items can be dealt with in detail throughout the following pages. We refer to the editio princeps by Leith (1990, 1997) respectively to the concerning chapter in Keel’s Corpus volume II (Keel 2010, 340-379). The article gives a brief history of research (2.), some basic remarks on the development of style (3.) and a selection of detail-studies (4.). A crosscheck with other relevant corpora of stamp-seals (5.) as well as a compressed synthesis (6.) are contributions in order to characterize and classify the unique iconographic assemblage. There are rather few references to the late Persian coins from Samaria (Meshorer/Qedar 1999), which have been impressed about contemporaneous with the WD-bullae (372-333 BCE), as there is an article by Patrick Wyssmann in this volume about that specific corpus. Through the perspective of the late Persian iconography, Samaria appears as a dazzling metropolis at the crossroads of Greek and Persian culture, which is far away from a strict and revolutionary religious orthodoxy

Schmiede ─ Heiligtum ─ Wassermühle. Cham-Hagendorn (Kanton Zug) in römischer Zeit. Ausgrabungen 1944/45 und 2003/04

1944/1945 wurde in Cham-Hagendorn eine Wassermühle ausgegraben, die dank ihrer aussergewöhnlich guten Holzerhaltung seit langem einen prominenten Platz in der Forschung einnimmt. 2003 und 2004 konnte die Kantonsarchäologie Zug den Platz erneut archäologisch untersuchen. Dabei wurden nicht nur weitere Reste der Wassermühle, sondern auch Spuren älterer und jüngerer Anlagen geborgen: eine ältere und eine jüngere Schmiedewerkstatt (Horizont 1a/Horizont 3) sowie ein zweiphasiges Heiligtum (Horizonte 1a/1b). All diese Anlagen lassen sich nun in das in den neuen Grabungen erkannte stratigraphische Gerüst einhängen (s. Beil. 2). Dank der Holzerhaltung können die meisten Phasen dendrochronologisch datiert werden (s. Abb. 4.1/1a): Horizont 1a mit Schlagdaten zwischen 162(?)/173 und 200 n. Chr., Horizont 1b um 215/218 n. Chr. und Horizont 2 um 231 n. Chr. Ferner konnten in den neuen Grabungen Proben für mikromorphologische und archäobotanische Untersuchungen entnommen werden (Kap. 2.2; 3.11). In der vorliegenden Publikation werden der Befund und die Baustrukturen vorgelegt, (Kap. 2), desgleichen sämtliche stratifizierten Funde und eine umfassende Auswahl der 1944/1945 geborgenen Funde (Kap. 3). Dank anpassender Fragmente, sog. Passscherben, lassen sich diese zum Teil nachträglich in die Schichtenabfolge einbinden. Die mikromorphologischen und die archäobotanischen Untersuchungen (Kap. 2.2; 3.11) zeigen, dass der Fundplatz in römischer Zeit inmitten einer stark vom Wald und dem Fluss Lorze geprägten Landschaft lag. In unmittelbarer Nähe können weder eine Siedlung noch einzelne Wohnbauten gelegen haben. Die demnach nur gewerblich und sakral genutzten Anlagen standen an einem Bach, der vermutlich mit jenem Bach identisch ist, der noch heute das Groppenmoos entwässert und bei Cham-Hagendorn in die Lorze mündet (s. Abb. 2.4/1). Der antike Bach führte wiederholt Hochwasser ─ insgesamt sind fünf grössere Überschwemmungsphasen auszumachen (Kap. 2.2; 2.4). Wohl anlässlich eines Seehochstandes durch ein Überschwappen der Lorze in den Bach ausgelöst, müssen diese Überschwemmungen eine enorme Gewalt entwickelt haben, der die einzelnen Anlagen zum Opfer fielen. Wie die Untersuchung der Siedlungslandschaft römischer Zeit rund um den Zugersee wahrscheinlich macht (Kap. 6 mit Abb. 6.2/2), dürften die Anlagen von Cham-Hagendorn zu einer in Cham-Heiligkreuz vermuteten Villa gehören, einem von fünf grösseren Landgütern in diesem Gebiet. Hinweise auf Vorgängeranlagen fehlen, mit denen die vereinzelten Funde des 1. Jh. n. Chr. (Kap. 4.5) in Verbindung gebracht werden könnten. Diese dürften eher von einer der Überschwemmungen bachaufwärts weggerissen und nach Cham-Hagendorn eingeschwemmt worden sein. Die Nutzung des Fundplatzes (Horizont 1a; s. Beil. 6) setzte um 170 n. Chr. mit einer Schmiedewerkstatt ein (Kap. 2.5.1). Der Fundanfall, insbesondere die Schmiedeschlacken (Kap. 3.9) belegen, dass hier nur hin und wieder Geräte hergestellt und repariert wurden (Kap. 5.2). Diese Werkstatt war vermutlich schon aufgelassen und dem Verfall preisgegeben, als man 200 n. Chr. (Kap. 4.2.4) auf einer Insel zwischen dem Bach und einem Lorzearm ein Heiligtum errichtete (Kap. 5.3). Beleg für den sakralen Status dieser Insel ist in erster Linie mindestens ein eigens gepflanzter Pfirsichbaum, nachgewiesen mit Pollen, einem Holz und über 400 Pfirsichsteinen (Kap. 3.11). Die im Bach verlaufende Grenze zwischen dem sakralen Platz und der profanen Umgebung markierte man zusätzlich mit einer Pfahlreihe (Kap. 2.5.3). In diese war ein schmaler Langbau integriert (Kap. 2.5.2), der an die oft an Temenosmauern antiker Heiligtümer angebauten Portiken erinnert und wohl auch die gleiche Funktion wie diese gehabt hatte, nämlich das Aufbewahren von Weihegaben und Kultgerät (Kap. 5.3). Das reiche Fundmaterial, das sich in den Schichten der ersten Überschwemmung fand (s. Abb. 5./5), die um 205/210 n. Chr. dieses Heiligtum zerstört hatte, insbesondere die zahlreiche Keramik (Kap. 3.2.4), und die zum Teil auffallend wertvollen Kleinfunde (Kap. 3.3.3), dürften zum grössten Teil einst in diesem Langbau untergebracht gewesen sein. Ein als Glockenklöppel interpretiertes, stratifiziertes Objekt spricht dafür, dass die fünf grossen, 1944/1945 als Stapel aufgefundenen Eisenglocken vielleicht auch dem Heiligtum zuzuweisen sind (Kap. 3.4). In diesen Kontext passen zudem die überdurchschnittlich häufig kalzinierten Tierknochen (Kap. 3.10). Nach der Überschwemmung befestigte man für 215 n. Chr. (Kap. 4.2.4) das unterspülte Bachufer mit einer Uferverbauung (Kap. 2.6.1). Mit dem Bau eines weiteren, im Bach stehenden Langbaus (Kap. 2.6.2) stellte man 218 n. Chr. das Heiligtum auf der Insel in ähnlicher Form wieder her (Horizont 1b; s. Beil. 7). Von der Pfahlreihe, die wiederum die sakrale Insel von der profanen Umgebung abgrenzte, blieben indes nur wenige Pfähle erhalten. Dennoch ist der sakrale Charakter der Anlage gesichert. Ausser dem immer noch blühenden Pfirsichbaum ist es ein vor dem Langbau aufgestelltes Ensemble von mindestens 23 Terrakottafigurinen (s. Abb. 3.6/1), elf Veneres, zehn Matres, einem Jugendlichen in Kapuzenmantel und einem kindlichen Risus (Kap. 3.6; s. auch Kap. 2.6.3). In den Sedimenten der zweiten Überschwemmung, der diese Anlage um 225/230 n. Chr. zum Opfer gefallen war, fanden sich wiederum zahlreiche Keramikgefässe (Kap. 3.2.4) und zum Teil wertvolle Kleinfunde wie eine Glasperle mit Goldfolie (Kap. 3.8.2) und eine Fibel aus Silber (Kap. 3.3.3), die wohl ursprünglich im Langbau untergebracht waren (Kap. 5.3.2 mit Abb. 5/7). Weitere Funde mit sicherem oder möglichem sakralem Charakter finden sich unter den 1944/1945 geborgenen Funden (s. Abb. 5/8), etwa ein silberner Fingerring mit Merkurinschrift, ein silberner Lunula-Anhänger, eine silberne Kasserolle (Kap. 3.3.3), eine Glasflasche mit Schlangenfadenauflage (Kap. 3.8.2) und einige Bergkristalle (Kap. 3.8.4). Im Bereich der Terrakotten kamen ferner mehrere Münzen (Kap. 3.7) zum Vorschein, die vielleicht dort niedergelegt worden waren. Nach der zweiten Überschwemmung errichtete man um 231 n. Chr. am Bach eine Wassermühle (Horizont 2; Kap. 2.7; Beil. 8; Abb. 2.7/49). Ob das Heiligtum auf der Insel wieder aufgebaut oder aufgelassen wurde, muss mangels Hinweisen offen bleiben. Für den abgehobenen Zuflusskanal der Wassermühle verwendete man mehrere stehen gebliebene Pfähle der vorangegangenen Anlagen der Horizonte 1a und 1b. Obwohl die Wassermühle den 28 jährlichen Überschwemmungshorizonten (Kap. 2.2) und den Funden (Kap. 4.3.2; 4.4.4; 45) zufolge nur bis um 260 n. Chr., während gut einer Generation, bestand, musste sie mindestens zweimal erneuert werden – nachgewiesen sind drei Wasserräder, drei Mühlsteinpaare und vermutlich drei Podeste, auf denen jeweils das Mahlwerk ruhte. Grund für diese Umbauten war wohl der weiche, instabile Untergrund, der zu Verschiebungen geführt hatte, so dass das Zusammenspiel von Wellbaum bzw. Sternnabe und Übersetzungsrad nicht mehr funktionierte und das ganze System zerbrach. Die Analyse von Pollen aus dem Gehhorizont hat als Mahlgut Getreide vom Weizentyp nachgewiesen (Kap. 3.11.4). Das Abzeichen eines Benefiziariers (Kap. 3.3.2 mit Abb. 3.3/23,B71) könnte dafür sprechen, dass das verarbeitete Getreide zumindest zum Teil für das römische Militär bestimmt war (s. auch Kap. 6.2.3). Ein im Horizont 2 gefundener Schreibgriffel und weitere stili sowie eine Waage für das Wägen bis zu 35-40 kg schweren Waren aus dem Fundbestand von 1944/1945 könnten davon zeugen, dass das Getreide zu wägen und zu registrieren war (Kap. 3.4.2). Kurz nach 260 n. Chr. fiel die Wassermühle einem weiteren Hochwasser zum Opfer. Für den folgenden Horizont 3 (Beil. 9) brachte man einen Kiesboden ein und errichtete ein kleines Gebäude (Kap. 2.8). Hier war wohl wiederum eine Schmiede untergebracht, wie die zahlreichen Kalottenschlacken belegen (Kap. 3.9), die im Umfeld der kleinen Baus zum Vorschein kamen. Aufgrund der Funde (Kap. 4.4.4; 4.5) kann diese Werkstatt nur kurze Zeit bestanden haben, höchstens bis um 270 n. Chr., bevor sie einem weiteren Hochwasser zum Opfer fiel. Von der jüngsten Anlage, die wohl noch in römische Zeit datiert (Horizont 4; Beil. 10), war lediglich eine Konstruktion aus grossen Steinplatten zu fassen (Kap. 2.9.1). Wozu sie diente, muss offen bleiben. Auch der geringe Fundanfall spricht dafür, dass die Nutzung des Platzes, zumindest für die römische Zeit, allmählich ein Ende fand (Kap. 4.5). Zu den jüngsten Strukturen gehören mehrere Gruben (Kap. 2.9.2), die vielleicht der Lehmentnahme dienten. Mangels Funden bleibt ihre Datierung indes ungewiss. Insbesondere wissen wir nicht, ob sie noch in römische Zeit datieren oder jünger sind. Spätestens mit der fünften Überschwemmung, die zur endgültigen Verlandung führte und wohl schon in die frühe Neuzeit zu setzen ist, wurde der Platz aufgelassen und erst mit dem Bau der bestehenden Fensterfabrik Baumgartner wieder besetzt.

John Garstang at Sirkeli Höyük, Cilician Plain, in 1936-1937: Old Photographs and New Evidence from the Renewed Excavations

During the winter of 1936-1937, British archaeologist John Garstang (1876-1956) excavated several trenches at the site of Sirkeli Höyük, located in the Plain of Cilicia (18 km west of modern-day Ceyhan). After a single campaign, however, he left the site and his interest shifted to site of Yumuktepe/Mersin, where he then excavated for a number of years. Apart from two very brief preliminary reports of his excavations at Sirkeli Höyük, which were published in the journal 'Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology of the University of Liverpool', not much is known about the trenches and their associated finds. Unpublished photographs kept in the Special Archives of University College London shed new light on the location and orientation of some of Garstang’s trenches at the site. Furthermore, in the 2012 campaign of the renewed Turkish-Swiss excavations at the site, a trench was found in the western part of the northern terrace that most probably was excavated by Garstang, but was not mentioned by him in his reports. This hitherto unknown trench may be related to his discovery of a lion-shaped column base made of basalt that is now kept in the collections of the Archaeological Museum of Adana.

Neue Überlegungen zur Datierung der westlichen Befestigungsanlagen Aššurs

This paper focuses on the construction date of the Neo-Assyrian city walls on the western front of Ashur. W. Andrae and his team excavated the walls on a large scale and established that they were both referred to in Shalmaneser III’s inscriptions. However, a reconsideration of the archaeological and textual evidence suggests that not the „Binnenwall,“ but the „Niederwall“ was constructed at the same time as the „Außenwall.“ This implies that Shalmaneser III’s inscriptions actually never mentioned the „Binnenwall“ which was probably not built until the end or even sometime after of his reign.

A Possible Case of Möller-Barlow Disease in Northwestern Switzerland (7th Century)

The excavation site Reigoldswil is located at 550 m above sea level on the Jura chain hillside in north-western Switzerland. The mountains divide the Rhine valley from an agriculturally rich region. The origin of the village lies in the early medieval time. Until now the skeletons of one cemetery have been morphologically studied. Around 216 individuals were excavated from under the foundation walls of a church and in the open field. They date to the 7/8th up to the 10th century. The striking part is the high amount of subadult (0-18 years) individuals with 58% (n=126). One of these children, an approximately 1.5 year old toddler from the 7th century, was buried in a stone cist. Its bones show morphological traces like porotic lesions of the greater wings of the sphenoidale, the squama, the mandibule and the scapula as new bone formation on both femora and tibiae. These signs could be an indicator for Möller-Barlow disease (Ortner 2003, Brickley and Ives 2008, Stark in press). As scurvy is associated with an insufficient intake of vitamin C, malnutrition must be assumed. A reason might be the geographic location or/and a harsh climat with crop failure and famine the first settler had to face. Besides the morphological diagnose amino acids of the bone collagen have been analyzed (Kramis et. al.). Further examinations, such as radiocarbon dating and stable isotope ratios (C, N, O, S) to specify nutrition, are planned.

Thermal and collisional history of Tishomingo iron meteorite: More evidence for early disruption of differentiated planetesimals

Tishomingo is a chemically and structurally unique iron with 32.5 wt.% Ni that contains 20% residual taenite and 80% martensite plates, which formed on cooling to between -75 and -200 °C, probably the lowest temperature recorded by any meteorite. Our studies using transmission (TEM) and scanning electron microscopy (SEM), X-ray microanalysis (AEM) and electron backscatter diffraction (EBSD) show that martensite plates in Tishomingo formed in a single crystal of taenite and decomposed during reheating forming 10-100 nm taenite particles with ∼50 wt.% Ni, kamacite with ∼4 wt.%Ni, along with martensite or taenite with 32 wt.% Ni. EBSD data and experimental constraints show that Tishomingo was reheated to 320-400 °C for about a year transforming some martensite to kamacite and to taenite particles and some martensite directly to taenite without composition change. Fizzy-textured intergrowths of troilite, kamacite with 2.7 wt.% Ni and 2.6 wt.% Co, and taenite with 56 wt.% Ni and 0.15 wt.% Co formed by localized shock melting. A single impact probably melted the sub-mm sulfides, formed stishovite, and reheated and decomposed the martensite plates. Tishomingo and its near-twin Willow Grove, which has 28 wt.% Ni, differ from IAB-related irons like Santa Catharina and San Cristobal that contain 25-36 wt.% Ni, as they are highly depleted in moderately volatile siderophiles and enriched in Ir and other refractory elements. Tishomingo and Willow Grove therefore resemble IVB irons but are chemically distinct. The absence of cloudy taenite in these two irons shows that they cooled through 250 °C abnormally fast at >0.01 °C/yr. Thus this grouplet, like the IVA and IVB irons, suffered an early impact that disrupted their parent body when it was still hot. Our noble gas data show that Tishomingo was excavated from its parent body about 100 to 200 Myr ago and exposed to cosmic rays as a meteoroid with a radius of ∼50-85 cm.

Unearthing the roots of degradation of Quercus pyrenaica coppices: A root-to-shoot imbalance caused by historical management?

Slow growth, branch dieback and scarce acorn yield are visible symptoms of decay in abandoned Quercus pyrenaica coppices. A hypothetical root-to-shoot (R:S) imbalance provoked by historical coppicing is investigated as the underlying driver of stand degradation. After stem genotyping, 12 stems belonging to two clones covering 81 and 16 m2 were harvested and excavated to measure above- and below-ground biomass and nonstructural carbohydrate (NSC) pools. To study root system functionality, root connections and root longevity were assessed by radiocarbon analysis. Seasonality of NSC was monitored on five additional clones. NSC pools, R:S biomass ratio and fine roots-to-foliage ratio were higher in the large clone, whose centennial root system, estimated to be 550 years old, maintained large amounts of sapwood (51.8%) for NSC storage. 248 root connections were observed within the large clone, whereas the small clone showed comparatively simpler root structure (26 connections). NSC concentrations were higher in spring (before bud burst) and autumn (before leaf fall), and lower in summer (after complete leaf expansion); they were always higher in roots than in stems or twigs. The persistence of massive and highly inter-connected root systems after coppicing may lead to increasing R:S biomass ratios and root NSC pools over time. We highlight the need of surveying belowground organs to understand aboveground dynamics of Q. pyrenaica, and suggest that enhanced belowground NSC storage and consumption reflect a trade-off between clonal vegetative resilience and aboveground performance.

Eine sozialtopographische Analyse der Wohngebiete von Nuzi

The archaeological evidence from Late Bronze Age Nuzi has ever since the publication of R.F.S. Starr’s final report in 1939 experienced few attention, leaving the interpretation of the inner structure of this extraordinarily extensively excavated settlement to a thriving philological research. This paper presents a macroscopic spatial analysis of mobile inventories in the domestic areas. Based on the comparison with stationary installations and the formal architectural structure a revised socio-topography is proposed. The combination with the evidence from the investigations of the private archives elucidates the great potential for the consideration of multiple approaches in the future research on the function, meaning and sociology of spaces in Near Eastern Archaeology.

Geological and hydrological histories of the Argyre province, Mars

The geologic history of the multi-ringed Argyre impact basin and surroundings has been reconstructed on the basis of geologic mapping and relative-age dating of rock materials and structures. The impact formed a primary basin, rim materials, and a complex basement structural fabric including faults and valleys that are radial and concentric about the primary basin, as well as structurally-controlled local basins. Since its formation, the basin has been a regional catchment for volatiles and sedimentary materials as well as a dominant influence on the flow of surface ice, debris flows, and groundwater through and over its basement structures. The basin is interpreted to have been occupied by lakes, including a possible Mediterranean-sized sea that formed in the aftermath of the Argyre impact event The hypothesized lakes froze and diminished through time, though liquid water may have remained beneath the ice cover and sedimentation may have continued for some time. At its deepest, the main Argyre lake may have taken more than a hundred thousand years to freeze to the bottom even absent any heat source besides the Sun, but with impact-induced hydrothermal heat, geothermal heat flow due to long-lived radioactivities in early martian history, and concentration of solutes in sub-ice brine, liquid water may have persisted beneath thick ice for many millions of years. Existence of an ice-covered sea perhaps was long enough for life to originate and evolve with gradually colder and more hypersaline conditions. The Argyre rock materials, diverse in origin and emplacement mechanisms, have been modified by impact, magmatic, eolian, fluvial, lacustrine, glacial, periglacial, alluvial, colluvial, and tectonic processes. Post-impact adjustment of part of the impact-generated basement structural fabric such as concentric faults is apparent. Distinct basin-stratigraphic units are interpreted to be linked to large-scale geologic activity far from the basin, including growth of the Tharsis magmatic-tectonic complex and the growth into southern middle latitudes of south polar ice sheets. Along with the migration of surface and sub-surface volatiles towards the central part of the primaiy basin, the substantial difference in elevation with respect to the surrounding highlands and Tharsis and the Thaumasia highlands result in the trapping of atmospheric volatiles within the basin in the form of fog and regional or local precipitation, even today. In addition, the impact event caused long-term (millions of years) hydrothermal activity, as well as deep-seated basement structures that have tapped the internal heat of Mars, as conduits, for far greater time, possibly even today. This possibility is raised by the observation of putative open-system pingos and nearby gullies that occur in linear depressions with accompanying systems of faults and fractures. Long-term water and heat energy enrichment, complemented by the interaction of the nutrient-enriched primordial crustal and mantle materials favorable to life excavated to the surface and near-surface environs through the Argyre impact event, has not only resulted in distinct geomorphology, but also makes the Argyre basin a potential site of exceptional astrobiological significance. (C) 2015 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Hydraulic Performance of the Denitrification Bioreactor

Denitrification bioreactors, also known as woodchip bioreactors, are a new strategy for improving drainage water quality before these flows arrive at local streams, rivers, and lakes. A bioreactor is an excavated, woodchip-filled pit that is capable of supporting native microbes that convert nitrate in the drainage water to nitrogen gas. The idea of these edgeof-field treatment systems is still relatively new, meaning it is important for investigations to be made into how to design these “pits” and to determine how drainage water moves through the woodchips. Because the bioreactor at the ISU Northeast Research Farm (NERF) is one of the best monitored bioreactor sites in the state, it provided an ideal location to not only monitor bioreactor nitrate-reduction performance, but also to investigate design hydraulics.

Abundance of plant macrofossils, mollusca and ostracoda in sediments obtained near Tessin, north Germany

A depression filled with Late Glacial and Holocene sediments was excavated during the geological exploration and recovery of a dump area near Tessin close to Rostock, and initiated the studies of the present paper. Pebble analysis of three exposed or respectively drilled till horizons as well as pollenanalytical, carpological and faunistical studies carried out allow the stratigraphical subdivision of the Quaternary sequence of the dump area. The basal till was probably the result of dead ice decay, and was lithostratigraphically assigned to the Pomerian Stage (qw2). The palynological results of boreholes RKS 19/93 and A/92 reveal pre-Allerod and other sediments instead of the expected interweichselian deposits. Based on the palynological and carpological findings, we correlated the beginning of the late glacial development in the locality with the end of the Meiendorf-lnterstadial sensu Menke in Bock et al. (1985, doi:10.3285/eg.35.1.18). The limnic-telmatic sedimentation could be observed pollen floristically probably starting with the Meiendorf-lnterstadial (Hippophae-Betula nana-phase) followed by the Bolling-(Betula nana-B. alba s.l.-Artemisia-Helianthemum-Poaceae-phase) and the Allerad-lnterstadial [Betula alba s.l.-(Pinus)-Cyperaceae-phase] lasting up to the Younger Dryas (Juniperus-Artemisia-Poaceae-phase). Sedimentation closed during the Younger Dryas with the accumulation of fine sands. It was reactivated later during the Holocene due to the anthropogene influence (Older and Younger Subatlantic, dampness of the depression by clearing).

Pollen records from Elbe-Weser Dreieck

A long-running interdisciplinary research project on the development of landscape, prehistoric habitation and the history of vegetation within a "siedlungskammer" (limited habitation areal from neolithic to modern times has been carried out in the NW German lowlands, The siedlungskammer Flögeln is situated between the rivers Weser and EIbe and comprises about 23.5 km^2. It is an isolated pleistocene area surrounded by bogs, the soils consisting mainly of poor sands. In this siedlungskammer large-seale archaeological excavations and mappings have been performed, parallel to pedological, historical and above all pollen analytical investigations. The aim of the project is to record the individual phases in time, to delimit the respective settlement areas and to reconstruct the conditions of life and economy for each time period. A dense network of 10 pollen diagrams has been constructed. Several of them derive from the marginal area and from the centre of the large raised bog north of the siedlungskammer. These diagrams reflect the history of vegetation and habitation of a large region; due to the large pollen source area the habitation phases in the diagrams are poorly defined. Even in the utmost marginal diagram of this woodless bog, a great village with adjoining fields, situated only 100 m away from it, is registered with only low values of anthropogenic indicators. In contrast to this, the numerous pollen diagrams from kettle-hole bogs inside the siedlungskammer yield an exact picture of the habitation of the siedlungskammer and their individual parts. Early traces of habitation can be identified in the pollen diagram soon after the elm decline (around 5190 BP). Some time later in the middle neolithic period there follows a marked habitation phase, which starts between 4500 and 4400 BP and reflects the immigration of the trichterbecher culture. It corresponds to the landnam phase of Iversen in Denmark and begins with a sharp decline of the pollen curves of lime and oak, followed by the increase of anthropogenic indicators pointing to arable and pastural farming. High values of wild grasses and Calluna witness extensive forest grazing. This middle to late neolithic habitation is also registered archaeologically by settlements and numerous graves. After low human activity during Bronze Age and Older Iron Age times the archaeological and pollen analytical records of Roman and Migration periods is again very strong. This is followed by a gap in habitation during the 6th and 7th centuries and afterwards in the western part of the siedlungskammer from about 700 AD until the 14th century by the activity of the medieval village of Dalem, that was also excavated and whose fields were recorded by phosphate mapping to a size of 117 hectares. This medieval settlement phase is marked by much cereal cultivation (mainly rye). The dense network of pollen diagrams offers an opportunity to register the dispersion of the anthropogenic indicators from the areas of settlement to different distances and thus to obtain quantitative clues for the assessment of these anthropogenic indicators in pollen diagrams. In fig. 4 the reflection of the neolithic culture in the kettle-hole bogs and the large raised bog is shown in 3 phases: a) pre landnam, b) TRB-landnam, c) post landnam. Among arboreal pollen the reaction of Quercus is sharp close to the settlement but is not found at more distant profiles, whilst in contrast to this Tilia shows a significant decline even far away from the settlements. The record of most anthropogenic indicators outside the habitation area is very low, in particular cereal pollen is poorly dispersed; much more certain as an indicator for habitation (also for arable farming!) is Plantago lanceolata. A strong increase of wild grasses (partly Calluna aswell) some distance from the habitation areas indicates far reaching forest grazing. Fig. 5 illustrates the reflection of the anthropogenie indicators from the medieval village Dalem. In this instance the field area could be mapped exactly using phosphate investigations, and it has been possible to indicate the precise distances of the profile sites from the medieval fields. Here also, there is a clear correlation between decreasing anthropogenic indicators and increasing distance. In a kettle-hole bog (FLH) a distance of 3000 m away this marked settlement phase is not registered. The contrast between the pollen diagrams SWK and FLH (fig. 2 + 3, enclosure), illustrates the strong differences between diagrams from kettlehole bogs close to and distant from the settlements, for the neolithic as well as for the medieval period. On the basis of the examples presented here, implications concerning the interpretation of pollen diagrams with respect to habitation phases are discussed.

Pollen analysis of soil samples from the A.D. 79 level. Boscoreale, Oplontis, and Pompeii

Fifty samples of Roman time soil preserved under the thick ash layer of the A.D.79 eruption of Mt Vesuvius were studied by pollen analysis: 33 samples from a former vineyard surrounding a Villa Rustica at Boscoreale (excavation site 40 x 50 m), 13 samples taken along the 60 m long swimming pool in the sculpture garden of the Villa of Poppaea at Oplontis, and four samples from the formal garden (12.4 x 17.5 m) of the House of the Gold Bracelet in Pompeii. To avoid contamination with modern pollen all samples were taken immediately after uncovering a new portion of the A.D. 79 soil. For comparison also samples of modern Italian soils were studied. Using standard methods for pollen preparation the pollen content of 15 of the archaeological samples proved to be too little to reach a pollen sum of more than 100 grains. The pollen spectra of these samples are not shown in the pollen tables. (Flotation with a sodium tungstate solution, Na2WO4, D = 2.05, following treatment with HCl and NaOH would probably have given a somewhat better result. This method was, however, not available as too expensive at that time.) Although the archaeological samples were taken a few meters apart their pollen values differ very much from one sample to the other. E.g., at Boscoreale (SW quarter). the pollen values of Pinus range from 1.5 to 54.5% resp. from 1 to 244 pine pollen grains per 1 gram of soil, the extremes even found under pine trees. Vitis pollen was present in 7 of the 11 vineyard samples from Boscoreale (NE quarter) only. Although a maximum of 21.7% is reached, the values of Vitis are mostly below 1.5%. Even the values of common weeds differ very much, not only at Boscoreale, but also at the other two sites. The pollen concentration values show similar variations: 3 to 3053 grains and spores were found in 1 g of soil. The mean value (290) is much less than the number of pollen grains, which would fall on 1 cm2 of soil surface during one year. In contrast, the pollen and spore concentrations of the recent soil samples, treated in exactly the same manner, range from 9313 to almost 80000 grains per 1 g of soil. Evidently most of the Roman time pollen has disappeared since its deposition, the reasons not being clear. Not even species which are known to have been cultivated in the garden of Oplontis, like Citrus and Nerium, plant species with easily distinguishable pollen grains, could be traced by pollen analysis. The loss of most of the pollen grains originally contained in the soil prohibits any detailed interpretation of the Pompeian pollen data. The pollen counts merely name plant species which grew in the region, but not necessarily on the excavated plots.

Mobilities, Entanglements, Transformations. Outline of a Research Project on Pottery Practices in Neolithic Wetland Sites of the Swiss Plateau

A large number of later Neolithic sites (3900–3500BC) in Switzerland, Southern Germany and Eastern France offer outstandingly well preserved archaeological materials from cultural layers. Due to the wide use of dendrochronology, settlement remains and artefact assemblages can now be placed into a precise and fixed chronological framework, thus presenting a unique case within prehistoric archaeology. In earlier research, chronological and regional units were constructed on the basis of pottery. These spacial and temporal units of typical pottery sets were understood as Neolithic cultures, as culturally more or less homogenous entities connected with (ethnic) identities. Today, with a larger data corpus of excavated settlements at hand, we can begin to understand that this period of the past was in fact characterised by a multitude of cultural entanglements and transformations. This is indicated by the occurrence of local and non-local pottery styles in one and the same settlement: for example typically local Cortaillod pottery is found together with NMB-styled pottery in settlements at Lake Neuchâtel or Michelsberg pottery is regularly occurring in settlements at Lake Constance where Pfyn pottery style is the typical local one. These and many more examples show that there must have been complex entanglements of social ties expanding between Eastern France, Southern Germany and the Swiss Plateau. Given these circumstances the former notions of Neolithic culture should be critically revised. Therefore, in late 2014, the Prehistoric Archaeology Department at the Archaeological Institute of University of Berne started a four-year research project funded by Swiss National Science Foundation in late 2014: ‘Mobilities, Entanglements and Transformations in Neolithic Societies of the Swiss Plateau (3900-3500 BC)’. It’s objective is to address the topic sketched above by adopting a mixed methods research (MMR)-design combining qualitative and quantitative approaches from archaeology and archaeometry. The approach is theoretically based on Pierre Bourdieu’s reflexive sociology and his concept of habitus but includes further concepts of practice theories. By shifting the focus to the movement of people, ideas and things – to pottery production practices in contexts of mobility – a deeper understanding of the transformative capacities of encounters can be achieved. This opens the path for new insights of Neolithic societies including social, cultural and economic dynamics that were underestimated in former research.