La ofensiva cinematográfica de la URSS en la guerra civil española

This article explores Soviet cinema and the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939. The article focuses on three separate components of Moscow’s cinematic operations vis-à-vis the Spanish imbroglio: 1.) the distribution of Soviet-made feature films in the Loyalist zone, 2.) the production of Soviet propaganda newsreels on Spanish subjects intended for distribution within the Soviet Union, and 3.) the significance of the Spanish war for Soviet cinema throughout the balance of the Bolshevik period. The narrative and conclusions herein are supported by new research from archives in both Spain and the Russian Federation, as well as analyses of films rarely if ever discussed in the scholarly literature, either within film studies or twentieth century European history.

How different are the correlates of onset and continuation of civil wars?

It is very common to analyse the factors associated with the onset and continuation of civil wars entirely separately, as if there were likely to be no similarity between them. This is an overstatement of the theoretical position, which has established only that they may be different (i.e. less than perfectly correlated). The hypothesis that the explanatory variables are the same is not theoretically excludable and is empirically testable, both for individual variables and for combinations of them. Starting from this approach yields a rather different picture of the factors associated with the continuation of civil wars, because the relatively small sample size means that confidence intervals on individual coefficients are wide in this case. It is shown here that country size, mountainous terrain and (in most datasets) ethnic diversity seem significant for the continuation of civil wars, starting from the null hypothesis that variables affect onset and continuation probabilities identically, rather than entirely independently. One variable that affects onset and continuation significantly differently is anocracy, which we find to matter only for onset. Civil war is more likely if it occurred two years previously, as well as one year previously, which indicates that wars are more likely to restart after only one year of peace, and also more likely to stop in their first year. The combined model strengthens the result that ethnic diversity matters (it is consistently significant across datasets, whereas it is not when onset is analysed separately), although in the UCD/PRIO dataset it is significant only for onset. By contrast, if continuation is analysed independently, virtually nothing is significant except a pre-1991 dummy and a dummy for civil war two years previously.

Ireland's Decade of Commemoration: A Round Table

Beginning with last year’s centennial of the passage of the Third Home Rule Bill, Ireland commenced an extraordinary “Decade of Commemorations,” during which the entire island will recall the anniversaries of crucial historic events: the Dublin Lock-out, the Easter Rising, the “Ulster Sacrifice” of the Somme, Partition, and the Irish Civil War, to name a few. The high-profile public history that will be crafted to mark these events is likely to set the received narrative of the events for another century—and, in turn, will enter the interdisciplinary intellectual project of Irish Studies itself. With the special assistance of Dr. Mike Cronin, New Hibernia Review gathered four scholars (two historians, a literary scholar, and a social anthropologist) to discuss the implications, opportunities, and perils of the Decade of Commemorations. They conducted their discussion by e-mail over the summer of 2013.

The Enemy of My Enemy is My Friend... The Dynamics of Self-Defense Forces in Irregular War: The Case of the Sons of Iraq

This article assesses the effect that leveraging civilian defense force militias has on the dynamics of violence in civil war. We argue that the delegation of security and combat roles to local civilians shifts the primary targets of insurgent violence toward civilians, in an attempt to deter future defections, and re-establish control over the local population. This argument is assessed through an analysis of the Sunni Awakening and ancillary Sons of Iraq paramilitary program. The results suggest that at least in the Al-Anbar province of Iraq, the utilization of the civilian population in counterinsurgent roles had significant implications for the targets of insurgent violence.

The Long Aftermath: Cultural Legacies of Europe at War, 1936-2016

In its totality, the “Long Second World War”—extending from the beginning of the Spanish Civil War to the end of hostilities in 1945—has exerted enormous influence over European culture. Bringing together leading historians, sociologists, and literary and film scholars, this broadly interdisciplinary volume investigates Europeans’ individual and collective memories and the ways in which they have shaped the continent’s cultural heritage. Focusing on the major combatant nations—Spain, Britain, France, Italy, Germany, Poland, and Russia—it offers thoroughly contextualized explorations of novels, memoirs, films, and a host of other cultural forms to illuminate European public memory.

The Climate of War: Violence, Warfare and Climatic Reductionism

National security agencies and other interested parties now often regard conflict as the inevitable consequence of climate change. This inclination to reduce war to the vicissitudes of climate is not new however. Here I examine some of the earlier ways in which violence was attributed to climatic conditions, particularly in the United States, and trace links between these older advocates of climatic determinism and the recent writings of those insisting that climate change will usher in a grim world of chronic warfare. It ends by drawing attention to the writings of some critics who are troubled by the ease with which climatic reductionism is capturing the public imagination.

Civilianizing Civil Conflict: Civilian Defense Militias and the Logic of Violence in Intra-State Conflict

This article examines how civilian defense militias shape violence during civil war. We define civilian defense forces as a sedentary and defensive form of pro-government militia that incumbents often use to harness the participation of civilians during a counterinsurgency campaign. We argue that civilian defense forces reduce the problem of insurgent identification. This leads to a reduction in state violence against civilians. However, we also claim that these actors undermine civilian support for insurgents, which leads to an increase in rebel violence against civilians and overall intensification of conflict. A statistical analysis of government and rebel violence against civilians from 1981 to 2005, and a qualitative assessment of a civilian defense force operating in Iraq from 2005 to 2009, offer strong support for our theoretical claims. These findings provide further insight into pro-government militias and their effects on violence. They also have wider ethical implications for the use of civilian collaborators during civil war.

A Política Externa Portuguesa na Guerra Civil de Espanha – Opinião Pública e Censura

A presente dissertação centra-se na problemática da Política Externa Portuguesa no decorrer da Guerra Civil de Espanha – GCE (1936-1939). É nosso propósito responder à seguinte questão: De que forma o Estado Novo conseguiu condicionar a Opinião Pública de maneira a perseguir a sua linha orientadora de Política Externa aquando do conflito interno espanhol?. Um dos mais antigos dilemas da política externa portuguesa é a necessidade constante de compatibilizar a dualidade peninsular. No respeitante à política externa do século XX, António de Oliveira Salazar, em 1936, defendia a tese de que o Estado Novo não sobreviveria em convívio directo com um regime republicano espanhol, anticlerical e esquerdista. Tendo em conta que o Presidente do Concelho de Ministros de Portugal não hesitou em apoiar o alziamento do General Franco, recorrendo à tese de proteção do seu regime, e evitando, desta forma, que Portugal se mantivesse alheio à sorte dos destinos da GCE, é fundamental a análise da política externa portuguesa para compreender as posições, os vetores, as motivações e os principais agentes que formaram os pilares da diplomacia portuguesa perante o conflito que ficou historiograficamente conhecido como a antecâmara da II Guerra Mundial. Todavia, reconhecemos ser conveniente averiguar de que forma é que as decisões de política externa se reflectiram na Opinião Pública portuguesa sobre os acontecimentos da Guerra Civil de Espanha. Visto que era objectivo do Estado Novo controlar as mentes portuguesas, no nosso estudo, que se debruçara sobre os assuntos espanhóis, importa-nos verificar como a Opinião Pública era manobrada pelo poder político, que utiliza a Censura para controle da informação. A Censura portuguesa foi especialmente zelosa acerca dos assuntos da GCE a partir de 1936, com vista a evitar contágios revolucionários em Portugal que colocassem em perigo o Estado Novo. Em suma, a Guerra Civil de Espanha foi um conflito bélico que se confinou ao território espanhol, mas que atravessou fronteiras devido à sua internacionalização e rápida mediatização. Portugal pela sua posição geográfica acompanhou diariamente a cruzada no país vizinho, interferindo oficial e oficiosamente.

Do the psychological impacts of war cause poverty?: Evidence from Mozambique

This paper evaluates the extent to which war-related psychological distress causes poverty. The endogeneous nature of mental distress is addressed by using exposure to the civil war in Mozambique as an instrument. It is found that exposure to war has a significant and positive long-lasting impact on mental distress. Furthermore, the causal impact of war-related psychological distress on income and wealth is shown to be significant, negative, and nonnegligible. One standard deviation increase in mental distress decreases income by half a standard deviation. These findings are robust to alternative specifications, including the use of an alternative database on the incidence of PTSD in Mozambique.

Societat civil, història i universitat. Una experiència en la commemoració dels 70 anys del final de la Guerra Civil

En motiu dels setanta anys del final de la Guerra Civil espanyola, “la retirada” i els camps d’internament a França, el Grup d’Estudis de Comunicació i Política (GECP) de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona va tenir la iniciativa de muntar una exposició didàctica a la sala d’exposicions de la Biblioteca de Comunicació i Hemeroteca General de la mateixa Universitat per poder rememorar aquesta efemèride. L’exposició “Els camins de l’exili. El final de la guerra, la retirada i els primers camps” va ser plantejada des d’un punt de vista didàctic, intentant facilitar a l’alumnat de la Universitat el coneixement d’aquest període històric que, moltes vegades, és feixuc de treballar amb el mètode tradicional que sempre ha usat l’Acadèmia. Abans de muntar l’exposició, però, el GECP va recórrer el territori català per tal de treballar amb fonts de primera mà i, també, conèixer quines altres institucions o grups de recerca de Catalunya o la Catalunya Nord estaven treballant el mateix tema amb l’objectiu de coordinar sinèrgies. Posteriorment, es va fer una trobada de tots els grups al Museu d’Història de Catalunya, on es van assentar les bases pel treball col·lectiu que, finalment, es va traduir amb l’exposició que va ser presentada a la UAB durant el març i abril de 2009

Estudio del modelo de las guerras civiles de Paul Collier a través de la Guerra Civil de la Antigua Yugoslavia, desde 1991 hasta 1995

Esta disertación se centra, en una primera parte en el estudio teórico del concepto de nuevas guerras, para posteriormente, en una segunda parte, exponer el modelo teórico de Paul Collier, paradigma del enfoque economicista de las nuevas guerras. Finalmente se procede a su aplicación a un caso concreto: la Guerra de Disolución de la Antigua Yugoslavia. Esto permite un estudio de los límites del modelo.

Incidencia de los actores internacionales no estatales en los conflictos internos. Estudio de caso: la participación de las empresas militares privadas “Executive Outcomes” y “Sandline International” en la guerra civil de Sierra Leona (1991-2002)

La Participación de las Empresas Militares Executive Outcomes y Sandline International en el conflicto de Sierra Leona fue una de las primeras veces en las que se vieron en escena a estos actores confluyendo en un nuevo orden internacional; y este estudio de caso busca determinar la manera de actuar de estas empresas y su incidencia en el conflicto. El caso de Sierra Leona es uno de los principales acercamientos a este nuevo fenómeno, que empezó a ejercer funciones que tradicionalmente le correspondían a los Estados y que han llevado a una privatización de la seguridad. Por medio de este estudio de caso se busca también determinar cuáles son las falencias y los retos que acarrean a las Empresas Militares Privadas en cuanto a su intervención en los conflictos internos. El caso de Sierra Leona es fundamental en tanto fue uno de los conflictos más intensos desarrollados en África en la década de los 90; y fue el momento en el cual las Empresas Militares Privadas empezaron a estar en la mira internacional a causa de estas intervenciones que generaron tanto críticas negativas como positivas.

The environmental impact of civil conflict : the deforestation effect of paramilitary expansion in Colombia

Despite a growing body of literature on how environmental degradation can fuel civil war, the reverse effect, namely that of conflict on environmental outcomes, is relatively understudied. From a theoretical point of view this effect is ambiguous, with some forces pointing to pressures for environmental degradation and some pointing in the opposite direction. Hence, the overall effect of conflict on the environment is an empirical question. We study this relationship in the case of Colombia. We combine a detailed satellite-based longitudinal dataset on forest cover across municipalities over the period 1990-2010 with a comprehensive panel of conflict-related violent actions by paramilitary militias. We first provide evidence that paramilitary activity significantly reduces the share of forest cover in a panel specification that includes municipal and time fixed effects. Then we confirm these findings by taking advantage of a quasi-experiment that provides us with an exogenous source of variation for the expansion of the paramilitary. Using the distance to the region of Urab´a, the epicenter of such expansion, we instrument paramilitary activity in each cross-section for which data on forest cover is available. As a falsification exercise, we show that the instrument ceases to be relevant after the paramilitaries largely demobilized following peace negotiations with the government. Further, after the demobilization the deforestation effect of the paramilitaries disappears. We explore a number of potential mechanisms that may explain the conflict-driven deforestation, and show evidence suggesting that paramilitary violence generates large outflows of people in order to secure areas for growing illegal crops, exploit mineral resources, and engage in extensive agriculture. In turn, these activities are associated with deforestation.

Beyond divide and rule : weak dictators, natural resources and civil conflict

We propose a model where an autocrat rules over an ethnically divided society. The dictator selects the tax rate over domestic production and the nation’s natural resources to maximize his rents under the threat of a regime-switching revolution. We show that a weak ruler may let the country plunge in civil war to increase his personal rents. Inter-group fighting weakens potential opposition to the ruler, thereby allowing him to increase fiscal pressure. We show that the presence of natural resources exacerbates the incentives of the ruler to promote civil conflict for his own profit, especially if the resources are unequally distributed across ethnic groups. We validate the main predictions of the model using cross-country data over the period 1960-2007, and show that our empirical results are not likely to be driven by omitted observable determinants of civil war incidence or by unobservable country-specific heterogeneity.

Cronologia dels programes femenins a la ràdio catalana d’abans de la Guerra Civil

El propòsit d’aquest article és endreçar la cronologia dels programes femenins que les estacions de ràdio pioneres emetien a Catalunya abans de la Guerra Civil i conèixer-ne els trets diferenciadors que tenien. Tal com ja he posat de manifest en les conclusions de la meva tesi doctoral, i en alguns dels articles que se n’han derivat, els programes femenins que les emissores catalanes varen dur a terme abans de 1939 van ser els primers espais de la radiodifusió espanyola que varen tenir el que ara coneixem com a format. Aquesta manera d’entendre un programa de ràdio, que ja va tenir una locutora a finals dels anys vint, ha permès que ara investiguem, per ordenar-los cronològicament, aquests espais tan vells i tan preuats de la ràdio pionera, i que a més a més puguem revelar quines característiques comunes tenien tots aquests espais femenins, a partir de saber els detalls de tots els que varen coincidir, en el temps, a les ones de Barcelona