Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Correlates of intergenerational mobility and political violence

This work project aims at exploring the role of intergenerational immobility in political violence. A cross-country macro-level analysis is done where no significant results are found. Additionally, an individual micro-level analysis is done where intergenerational mobility (measured through a proxy variable) has a negative significant effect in political violence

Application of wavelets to the study of political history

\The idea that social processes develop in a cyclical manner is somewhat like a `Lorelei'. Researchers are lured to it because of its theoretical promise, only to become entangled in (if not wrecked by) messy problems of empirical inference. The reasoning leading to hypotheses of some kind of cycle is often elegant enough, yet the data from repeated observations rarely display the supposed cyclical pattern. (...) In addition, various `schools' seem to exist which frequently arrive at di erent conclusions on the basis of the same data." (van der Eijk and Weber 1987:271). Much of the empirical controversies around these issues arise because of three distinct problems: the coexistence of cycles of di erent periodicities, the possibility of transient cycles and the existence of cycles without xed periodicity. In some cases, there are no reasons to expect any of these phenomena to be relevant. Seasonality caused by Christmas is one such example (Wen 2002). In such cases, researchers mostly rely on spectral analysis and Auto-Regressive Moving-Average (ARMA) models to estimate the periodicity of cycles.1 However, and this is particularly true in social sciences, sometimes there are good theoretical reasons to expect irregular cycles. In such cases, \the identi cation of periodic movement in something like the vote is a daunting task all by itself. When a pendulum swings with an irregular beat (frequency), and the extent of the swing (amplitude) is not constant, mathematical functions like sine-waves are of no use."(Lebo and Norpoth 2007:73) In the past, this di culty has led to two di erent approaches. On the one hand, some researchers dismissed these methods altogether, relying on informal alternatives that do not meet rigorous standards of statistical inference. Goldstein (1985 and 1988), studying the severity of Great power wars is one such example. On the other hand, there are authors who transfer the assumptions of spectral analysis (and ARMA models) into fundamental assumptions about the nature of social phenomena. This type of argument was produced by Beck (1991) who, in a reply to Goldstein (1988), claimed that only \ xed period models are meaningful models of cyclic phenomena".We argue that wavelet analysis|a mathematical framework developed in the mid-1980s (Grossman and Morlet 1984; Goupillaud et al. 1984) | is a very viable alternative to study cycles in political time-series. It has the advantage of staying close to the frequency domain approach of spectral analysis while addressing its main limitations. Its principal contribution comes from estimating the spectral characteristics of a time-series as a function of time, thus revealing how its di erent periodic components may change over time. The rest of article proceeds as follows. In the section \Time-frequency Analysis", we study in some detail the continuous wavelet transform and compare its time-frequency properties with the more standard tool for that purpose, the windowed Fourier transform. In the section \The British Political Pendulum", we apply wavelet analysis to essentially the same data analyzed by Lebo and Norpoth (2007) and Merrill, Grofman and Brunell (2011) and try to provide a more nuanced answer to the same question discussed by these authors: do British electoral politics exhibit cycles? Finally, in the last section, we present a concise list of future directions.

A construção de um currículo de project-based learning: o currículo ideal e o currículo formal

O objetivo deste trabalho é apresentar os resultados da análise das concepções de dois protagonistas de uma reforma curricular que está sendo implementada numa escola de engenharia. A principal característica do novo currículo é o uso de projetos e oficinas como atividades complementares a serem realizadas pelos estudantes. As atividades complementares acontecerão em paralelo ao trabalho realizado nas disciplinas sem que haja uma relação de interdisciplinaridade. O novo currículo está sendo implantado desde fevereiro de 2015. Segundo Pacheco (2005) há dois momentos, dentre outros, no processo de mudança curricular, o currículo “ideal”, determinado por dimensões epistemológica, política, econômica, ideológica, técnica, estética, e histórica e, que recebe influência direta daquele que idealiza e cria o novo currículo e, o currículo “formal” que se traduz na prática implementada na escola. São essas duas etapas estudadas nesta pesquisa. Para isso serão considerados como fontes de dados dois protagonistas, um mais ligado à concepção do currículo e outro da sua implementação, a partir dos quais se busca compreender as motivações, crenças e percepções que, por sua vez, determinam a reforma curricular. Entrevistas semiestruturadas foram utilizadas como técnica de pesquisa, com o propósito de se entender a gênese da proposta e as mudanças entre essas duas etapas. Os dados revelam que mudanças aconteceram desde a idealização até a formalização do currículo, motivadas por demandas do processo de implementação, revela ainda diferenças na visão de currículo e a motivação para romper com padrões na formação de engenheiros no Brasil.

O ensino de teatro de animação: contribuições para construção de novos saberes e fazeres acerca da cultura de ensinar e aprender teatro

Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências da Educação - Especialidade de Desenvolvimento Curricular

O ensino em grupo de instrumentos musicais: um estudo de caso múltiplo em Portugal e no Brasil

Tese de Doutoramento em Estudos da Criança (área de especialização em Educação Musical)

O ensino de canto nos ramos genérico e vocacional no 1º ciclo do ensino básico: um estudo de caso múltiplo

Tese de Doutoramento em Estudos da Criança (área de especialização em Educação Musical).

Los objetos técnicos y los organismos tecnificados. Reflexiones filosóficas, estéticas y políticas sobre la técnica. Technical objects and technified organisms. Philosophical, aesthetical and political approaches on technique

El presente proyecto se propone como parte inicial de una investigación sobre la relación entre naturaleza/cultura/técnica. Tradicionalmente la naturaleza y la cultura se han considerado como ámbitos diferenciados y opuestos. Y es en esta distinción donde la técnica adquiere un lugar central. El pensamiento occidental sobre la técnica ha recibido diversas interpretaciones: desde una subordinación con respecto al conocimiento verdadero (episteme) en la filosofía clásica, un optimismo sobre la técnica como posibilidad de dominación de la naturaleza en el Renacimiento y la Ilustración, y la ambigüedad y desasosiego romántico (Mitcham, 1979). Durante el siglo XX se distinguen dos posiciones antagónicas sobre la técnica. Por un lado, una actitud “crítica” donde pueden identificarse los trabajos de filósofs de diferentes tradiciones como Ortega y Gasset (1939), Heidegger (1954), Mumford (1971) Ellul (1960) y la Escuela de Frankfurt. Por otro lado, una filosofía de la técnica “ingenieril” que consiste en el análisis de la tecnología como un paradigma de pensamiento y acción humana. Esta dicotomía ha sido interpretada por Eco como “apocalípticos e integrados”. Más allá de las mencionadas diferencias, lo que tienen en común ambas posiciones es que parten de una dicotomía entre cultura y naturaleza. Nuestra perspectiva rechaza esta dicotomía, por el contrario, evidenciamos una creciente imbricación entre ambas donde las fronteras entre una y otra se hacen difusas. La noción de “objeto técnico” propuesta por Simondon (2007) hace referencia a la inserción del objeto técnico en la cultura, donde debe reconocerse la “realidad humana” presente en el mismo. Ahora bien, esto no significa “humanizar el objeto técnico”, sino más bien indagar sobre el lugar que este ocupa en la cultura como también establecer su relación con la naturaleza. En el siglo XVII el hombre mismo es reinterpretado como máquina (La Mettrie, 2000). En la actualidad pueden identificarse dos tendencias en la concepción de la técnica: los «humanos-máquinas» y las «máquinas-humanas», en otras palabras, la disposición del humano hacia la máquina y la tendencia de la máquina hacia lo humano. No obstante, ambas posiciones siguen manteniendo una distinción taxonómica entre el cuerpo –o lo orgánico- y lo maquínico, lo que implica una consideración de esta relación de manera extrínseca. Frente a esta tensión Haraway propone el concepto de cyborg: «un organismo cibernético» (1995). Los desarrollos tecnológicos han producido una modificación tal en la vida de los seres orgánicos en los cuales ya no puede concebirse su cuerpo independientemente de la tecnología. Esto conduce a replantear la distinción entre “animales/hombres/máquinas”, entendiendo a los mismos como expresiones de naturaleza, cultura y tecnología respectivamente. Nuestra investigación parte de la hipótesis que la técnica diluye diferencias de orden natural y cultural a través de los objetos técnicos que son productos culturales. La estética se ocupa de la percepción sensible del mundo no puede eludir su dimensión técnica. Al margen de la crítica a la “Industria cultural” consideramos relevante la aproximación de Benjamin al problema de la técnica porque aborda la imbricación antes mencionada en el campo de la percepción. Según Benjamin la irrupción de la técnica al mismo tiempo que posibilita una estetización de la política que confluye en el fascismo como punto extremo también abre la posibilidad de desmontar la ideología del progreso infinito (1967). Una integración entre aproximaciones estéticas y políticas a la técnica Flusser (1983) propone la “caja negra” como metáfora de la técnica contemporánea. Su propuesta es la “apertura de la caja negra” que consiste en tomar conocimiento del funcionamiento del dispositivo. Nuestra propuesta de investigación aborda la técnica desde una consideración filosófica/estética/política, donde redefiniremos la técnica partiendo de la imbricación entre cultura y naturaleza. This project will set the basis for a sustained research on the relation nature/culture/technique. They have been traditionally considered as separate and even opposite fields. And it is on the brink of this distinction where technique plays a central role. In Western thought technique has received many interpretations since the beginnings of philosophy: from a subordination to true knowledge (episteme) in classic philosophy, or the optimism which sees in technique the possibility of dominating nature in the Renaissance and in the Enlightenment, to the Romantic ambiguity and uneasiness towards technological change (Mitcham, 1979). During the twentieth century two opposed approach on technique prevail. On one hand, a “critical” attitude such defines the work of philosophers of different traditions such as Ortega y Gasset (1939), Heidegger (1954), Mumford (1971) Ellul (1960) and the Frankfurt School. On the other hand there is an “engineering” philosophy of technique that consists in the analisis of technology as a paradigm to understand human action and thought. Besides their differences, both positions have in common a dichotomy between nature and culture. We reject such dichotomy. On the contrary we consider there is a growing intertwinement between both which blurs the borders of the concepts. Simondon’s notion of “technical object” refers to the insertion of the technique in culture where the “human reality” in it must be recognised. This does not imply “humanising the technical object”, but investigate on the role it plays on culture and establishing its relation to nature. To articulate this relation we will work with unorthodox approaches on technique such as Benjamin (1967), Flusser (1983) and others. The hypothesis of our project is that the traditional distinction of “animal/man/machine” must be re-thought, therefore raising the question on the blurring line between nature, culture and technique and its effects in philosophy, politics and aesthetics.

Sujeto y Política. La constitución de las identidades desde una perspectiva postfundacionalista: hacia la construcción de un marco teórico-metodológico para el análisis histórico-político. Subject and politics. The constitution of political identities from a posfoundational perspective: towards a construction of a theorethico-methodolocal framework for histórico-political analysis.

El proyecto de investigación se dirige a sistematizar un abordaje postfundacionalista de las identidades políticas en vistas a la construcción de un marco teórico-metodológico para el análisis histórico-político. Se parte de la creciente relevancia en las ciencias sociales de la cuestión de la “identidad” para indagar la singularidad del marco teórico adoptado en su estudio. Así, el postfundacionalismo da cuenta de una teoría de las subjetividades políticas que parte de procesos de identificación que suponen una articulación singular entre relativa estructuralidad y agencia. El sujeto emerge en un contexto nunca plenamente suturado ni plenamente abierto, sino a través de un anudamiento de diversas dimensiones reales, simbólicas e imaginarias. Esta visión es altamente productiva para generar conclusiones relevantes en el campo de la ciencia política y del análisis histórico político comparado. This research project seeks to systematise from a postfundationalist view of political identities a theoretico-methodological framework for historico political analysis. The project starts from the increasing relevance of the quistion of 'identity' for contremporary social sciences. Poststructuralism provides an insight of processes of identification that supposes a singular articulation between relative structurality and agency. The subject emerges in a neither fully structured nor fully opened context but through a knotting process of different registers: real, symblic and imaginary. This vision, we believe, is highly productive to generate meaningful conclusions in the field of political science and comparative political analysis.

The Catalan countries project (1931-1939)

In the evolution of Catalan nationalism, as much politician as cultural, the period of II Spanish Republic (1931-1939) was essential. The obtaining of the Statute of Autonomy (1931-1932) supposed the beginning of a stage of expansion in multiple aspects. One of them were the contacts with the Catalanists nuclei of the rest of the cultural space of Catalan language in which, at that time, it would begin to call Catalan Countries (Balearic Islands, Valencian Country, Andorra, Rosselló, to l'Alguer). On Those Collaborations between cultural organizations, political and particular parties Catalonia always will be the model to follow. The Increasing connections will be visualized on press, as well as on cultural celebrations, policy of parties and Constituent Courts. This evolution will be cut by the Franco victory in the Civil War in 1939.

An Archival Case Study: Revisiting The Life and Political Economy of Lauchlin Currie

This paper forms part of a wider project to show the significance of archival material on distinguished economists, in this case Lauchlin Currie (1902-93), who studied and taught at Harvard before entering government service at the US Treasury and Federal Reserve Board as the intellectual leader of Roosevelt’s New Deal, 1934-39, as FDR’s White House economic adviser in peace and war, 1939-45, and as a post-war development economist. It discusses the uses made of the written and oral material available when the author was writing his intellectual biography of Currie (Duke University Press 1990) while Currie was still alive, and the significance of the material that has come to light after Currie’s death.

Water scarcity, social power and the production of an elite suburb: the political ecology of water in Matadepera, Catalonia

This article investigates the history of land and water transformations in Matadepera, a wealthy suburb of metropolitan Barcelona. Analysis is informed by theories of political ecology and methods of environmental history; although very relevant, these have received relatively little attention within ecological economics. Empirical material includes communications from the City Archives of Matadepera (1919-1979), 17 interviews with locals born between 1913 and 1958, and an exhaustive review of grey historical literature. Existing water histories of Barcelona and its outskirts portray a battle against natural water scarcity, hard won by heroic engineers and politicians acting for the good of the community. Our research in Matadepera tells a very different story. We reveal the production of a highly uneven landscape and waterscape through fierce political and power struggles. The evolution of Matadepera from a small rural village to an elite suburb was anything but spontaneous or peaceful. It was a socio-environmental project well intended by landowning elites and heavily fought by others. The struggle for the control of water went hand in hand with the land and political struggles that culminated – and were violently resolved - in the Spanish Civil War. The displacement of the economic and environmental costs of water use from few to many continues to this day and is constitutive of Matadepera’s uneven and unsustainable landscape. By unravelling the relations of power that are inscribed in the urbanization of nature (Swyngedouw, 2004), we question the perceived wisdoms of contemporary water policy debates, particularly the notion of a natural scarcity that merits a technical or economic response. We argue that the water question is fundamentally a political question of environmental justice; it is about negotiating alternative visions of the future and deciding whose visions will be produced.

Perceptions of Europe in political and economic elites: a geographical compared analysis of Germany, Spain and Poland

Elite perceptions about Europe are a very important point in order to understand the current European integration process, as well as the future perspectives for the continent. This study makes a comparison between the perceptions which political and economical elites in some European countries have about the European Union process and its mechanisms. The main goal is to identify the differences in positions of each type of elites, as well as the variations among three key countries. The database built thanks to the INTUNE (Integrated and United? A quest for Citizenship in an ¨ever closer Europe¨) Project Survey on European Elites and Masses, funded by the Sixth Framework Programme of the EU [Contract CIT 3-CT-2005-513421] have being used. The questionnaire was applied between February and May 2007, in a total of 18 European countries. The national teams got a total of almost 2000 valid responses at European level. In the analysis we have showed some general descriptive statistics about the perception of Europe taking as a reference two dimensions of the INTUNE project: identity (attachment to the national level, the meaning of being a truly national, and the threats from Turkey that EU is facing at this moment) and representation (trust in European and national institutions, preferences for a national or an European army). The results are presented distinguishing between political (national MP’s in low chambers) and economical elites (presidents of corporations, general managers…) and, at the same time, among three countries: Germany as an original member of the European Union; Spain, incorporated in 1986; and a new member, Poland, joining the EU in 2004.

A Pedagogical approach of schistosomiasis an experience in health education in Minas Gerais, Brazil

The experience described here is part of an extensive program that aims to stimulate schools to develop health integrated projects from theme generators, i.e., themes that have a meaning for the community. It was developed in Jaboticatubas, a town in the metropolitan region of Belo Horizonte, capital of the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil, and the focus was schistosomiasis. The selection was based on the expressive and historical prevalence of this disease in the county, which has been known as the "capital of schistosomiasis", in a national press release since the 1960's. Schistosomiasis is also a theme pointed out by teachers as requiring more information and methodologies to work with their students, most of them living in areas of high risk of transmission. In addition, during the last years, this disease has been transmitted silently through an increasing rural tourism in that region, requiring integrated and effective control actions. The developed strategy included four schools, whose teachers, students, and families took part in the process. It emphasizes in a critical pedagogy approach, which focuses on health issues as themes that may mobilize the school community and awake the population to a work which integrates environment, health, and citizenship. The results demonstrate that teachers and students not only acquired new knowledge and methodological skills, but also gained confidence in their ability to improve their health conditions. Thus, the project promotes a critical education that can result a more permanent effect on the control of schistosomiasis as well as other benefits for the schools and for the population.

L’elecció del centre en famílies d’origen immigrat a la ciutat de Barcelona

El projecte ha assolit la majoria d’objectius, ajustats a la reducció d'una quarta part de l'import concedit: 1) caracteritzar la transformació del paisatge agro-forestal i urbà a dos municipis de la vall del Congost, La Garriga i Figaró-Montmany, reconstruint amb SIG els mapes d'ús del sòl de 1854, 1949, 1956 i 2005, obtenint per intersecció de cobertes les matrius dels canvis d'ús; i 2) avaluar amb l’índex de connectivitat ecològica l'impacte ambiental d'aquells canvis des del punt de vista de la biodiversitat i la resiliència del paisatges, amb un especial èmfasi en la reforestació induïda per l'abandonament rural i la pèrdua de paisatges en mosaic, en un àmbit més gran pel període 1956-1993-2005. Aquests resultats han permès preparar varis articles per publicar en co-autoría a revistes com Landscape History, Environment and History o Landscape and Urban Planning. Ja és a punt de poder-se lliurar el primer amb el títol de "Looking backwards into a Mediterranean edge environment: Landscape changes and ecological connectivity in El Congost Valley (province of Barcelona, Catalonia) 1850-2005", incloent dos objectius esmentats a la memòria: identificar les principals forces motores d'aquells canvis en el paisatge relacionant els usos del sòl amb les formes d'ordenació del territori, caracteritzar-ne les forces rectores econòmico-socials i el paper jugat per la protecció del Parc Natural del Montseny i els Cingles de Bertí. Els resultats també permetran abordar en el futur altres aspectes, com per exemple estimar el potencial energètic de la biomassa local tot cercant que el seu aprofitament generi sinèrgies territorials positives per a l'ecologia del paisatge amb la recuperació d’una ramaderia extensiva i una agricultura ecològica que facin possible la restauració dels paisatges en mosaic. L'estudi ha pogut incorporar un aspecte inicialment no previst, el cens d'orquídies mediterrànies a Figaró-Montmany elaborat pel naturalista Paul Wilcox.