867 resultados para Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs)


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The City Educator Program is articulated with PROEX-Pro - Deanship Culture and Student Affairs through the Directorate of Extension, along with the Institute of Geography, Faculty of Architecture, Urban Planning and Design Institute and the City Futura Pro. Program is conducted since 2008 by the Federal University of Uberlândia and Motion City Futura. The outreach program aims to promote democratic governance and smart planning municipal and regional level, enabling public and social (government technicians, law enforcement officers, and civil society leaders) seeking implementation of legal instruments, urban and tributaries in the counties of Araguari and Uberlândia, established in the City Statute and Master Plans, and the Fiscal Responsibility, Social Rights established by the Constitution, and all the instruments of social control in the municipalities involved. The methodology includes content developed through dynamic, research participant, group work and exposure dialogue. The results were relevant to holding the Course on Urban Management and Sustainable Democratic, Uberlândia A Forum for Sustainable Leadership Training Course Ethical and Sustainable, Community Workshops Seminars in Neighborhoods assessment; Map Workshop Speaker, Research Participants, Seminars and Interactive Campaigns Mobilization office in the territory. Were produced articles, reports and reflections that are public in book form. At the end of the implementation of program activities, the municipal governments, entities and non-governmental organizations as well as citizens who, directly or indirectly, involved with the program, attended the final seminar where, besides the presentation of results, was made, collectively, evaluation and assessment of all activities

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This paper explores the attempts to co-ordinate rural resistance and struggles in South Africa during apartheid through a case study of the Association for Rural Advancement (AFRA), a land NGO established in Natal in 1979. It was a small group but had a significant local and national impact. The paper addresses three key questions concerning the character and works of AFRA: (1) What was the character and strategy of AFRA in the politicised context of the late 1970s and 1980s? (2) Was there any historical continuity and discontinuity with early attempts by Natal liberals and African landowners to organise anti-removal campaigns in the 1950s? (3) How and to what extent could AFRA negotiate the increasing influence of the Inkatha and KwaZulu government over Natal rural communities? The paper aims to serve as a critical evaluation of AFRA's strategies and activities, and its relationship with rural communities up to 1990 when land movements became nationwide.

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To a certain extent what this research is proposing is a return to local principles or to regionalism, which is able to employ place-specific tools and craftsmanship (local arts and their virtues) promoting and being innovative with traditional elements which belong to a particular place, and using tectonic and stereotomic logic. You can observe this, in the face of a destructive natural event. An immediate architectural reaction is produced in cooperation with the rest of the not affected territory. The cooperation of certain non-governmental organizations with other groups in the same collaborative cycle improves the recycling of ideas and city planning forms. These organizations cooperate in the development and implementation of cities and settlements that need a fast reaction when facing an unexpected disaster.

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No mundo globalizado vivenciamos o agravamento das questões sociais relacionadas às concepções do mercado neoliberal, do Estado mínimo, da privatização dos serviços públicos e, as organizações não-governamentais e o advento do chamado Terceiro Setor. Esta pesquisa contempla uma análise do fenômeno religioso, referente à inserção pública da Igreja por meio das práticas sociais institucionalizadas vinculadas as suas organizações neste contexto social, na perspectiva de enfrentamento dos problemas sociais. No desenvolvimento da pesquisa utilizamos o método histórico para descrever e analisar a inserção pública da Igreja Batista Independente no contexto brasileiro, a partir do estudo de documentos relacionados às primeiras iniciativas e o desenvolvimento das práticas sociais desta Igreja no contexto brasileiro. Com a descrição analítica deste fenômeno verifica-se a incidência de práticas de transformação social, caracterizando-se como práxis social e, ainda, elementos que contribuem para o exercício da cidadania estão no bojo das práticas sociais da Igreja. A pesquisa apresenta a análise das práticas sociais da Igreja, na perspectiva da interdisciplinaridade, apontando elementos que influenciaram as transformações sociais nos últimos anos e relaciona a contribuição da práxis social para o exercício da fé cidadã.(AU)

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No mundo globalizado vivenciamos o agravamento das questões sociais relacionadas às concepções do mercado neoliberal, do Estado mínimo, da privatização dos serviços públicos e, as organizações não-governamentais e o advento do chamado Terceiro Setor. Esta pesquisa contempla uma análise do fenômeno religioso, referente à inserção pública da Igreja por meio das práticas sociais institucionalizadas vinculadas as suas organizações neste contexto social, na perspectiva de enfrentamento dos problemas sociais. No desenvolvimento da pesquisa utilizamos o método histórico para descrever e analisar a inserção pública da Igreja Batista Independente no contexto brasileiro, a partir do estudo de documentos relacionados às primeiras iniciativas e o desenvolvimento das práticas sociais desta Igreja no contexto brasileiro. Com a descrição analítica deste fenômeno verifica-se a incidência de práticas de transformação social, caracterizando-se como práxis social e, ainda, elementos que contribuem para o exercício da cidadania estão no bojo das práticas sociais da Igreja. A pesquisa apresenta a análise das práticas sociais da Igreja, na perspectiva da interdisciplinaridade, apontando elementos que influenciaram as transformações sociais nos últimos anos e relaciona a contribuição da práxis social para o exercício da fé cidadã.(AU)

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Estudo sobre a comunicação em três organizações não governamentais de Curitiba-PR que se originaram em movimentos sociais, fundadas nas décadas de 1970, 1980 e 1990. Os objetivos da pesquisa compreenderam encontrar técnicas de comunicação utilizadas para se relacionarem com seus públicos e o papel desempenhado pelo comunicador nessas organizações. A metodologia empregada valeu-se de estudo de casos múltiplos, que incluiu como técnicas de busca de dados a pesquisa documental, bibliográfica e a realização entrevistas com líderes, fundadores e comunicadores das organizações estudadas. Como marco teórico buscou-se nos estudos de comunicação popular alternativa o embasamento para situar as análises realizadas. Dentre os resultados alcançados descobriu-se que, timidamente, há um avanço para o uso de técnicas de comunicação profissionalizadas e uma busca por um profissional que detenha a formação técnica, mas que antes de tudo esteja engajado, comprometido com as causas da organização.(AU)

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Estudo sobre a comunicação em três organizações não governamentais de Curitiba-PR que se originaram em movimentos sociais, fundadas nas décadas de 1970, 1980 e 1990. Os objetivos da pesquisa compreenderam encontrar técnicas de comunicação utilizadas para se relacionarem com seus públicos e o papel desempenhado pelo comunicador nessas organizações. A metodologia empregada valeu-se de estudo de casos múltiplos, que incluiu como técnicas de busca de dados a pesquisa documental, bibliográfica e a realização entrevistas com líderes, fundadores e comunicadores das organizações estudadas. Como marco teórico buscou-se nos estudos de comunicação popular alternativa o embasamento para situar as análises realizadas. Dentre os resultados alcançados descobriu-se que, timidamente, há um avanço para o uso de técnicas de comunicação profissionalizadas e uma busca por um profissional que detenha a formação técnica, mas que antes de tudo esteja engajado, comprometido com as causas da organização.(AU)

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Almost thirty years have passed since the City Council of Madrid approved the first Municipal Plan against Drugs, thus laying the foundations of the current commitment to offer assistance to drug addicts. A Service that has been continuously growing (in funding), maturing (in organizations) and diversifying (in actions) during these decades, in the same manner as the scenario in which these actions are deployed has been evolving. But, what can be said today about the status of drugaddiction intervention? This study adopts a sociological approach that starts with and is focused on what has been defined as the hegemonic vision on drug addiction, with the aim of studying (precisely and progressively) the different and most widely accepted theoretical-practical developments and to understand how certain conceptions or positions determine the form of this social fact. Therefore, the main objective of this study is to understand and evaluate the performative effects of certain practices, techniques and professionals on defining and addressing a reality that is in question and/or in conflict, as a social problem. In addition, this study is focused on identifying a series of fundamental elements to address what is understood as the state of the issue of drug addiction in depth (discourse of drugs Vs. discourse on drugs) in order to offer a series of sociological questions and insights to focus attention onto this reality. For this purpose, once its intentions have been defined and due to the social nature of the object under study, the present research deploys qualitative methodology as a tool for approximation, delimiting the scope that professional technicians assume regarding the issue in question as well as their own professional practices within their organizations. Thus, we have contacted certain public as well as non-governmental organizations with long-term experience in drug addiction, so as to find out first hand, in addition to their writings, the different meanings they find in the performance of their specific practice (micro) as well as the framework within which their practice is defined and materialised (macro) on a population defined or characterised by (drug) addiction...

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Since 2008, international speculation about the viability of Kim Jong-Il's leadership in North Korea has been at the forefront of diplomatic discussions. North Korea is known to be a secretive state where human rights violations abound. This paper discusses the history of leadership and government in North Korea since World War II, the current human rights situation in the country, the role of China, and potential successors to Kim Jong-Il. The ramifications of impending regime change are discussed in terms of North Korea's human rights issues and economic problems. While current efforts at diplomacy have proved ineffective, the need for concerned nations, intergovernmental organizations, and non-governmental organizations to be prepared to engage North Korea after Kim Jong-Il is imperative.

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Women and children become victims of human trafficking and exploitation as a result of economic globalization, national history, social structures, and geographical positioning. Human trafficking has increasingly become a global crisis of human rights violations, threatening the lives of women and children in developing countries, like the Philippines. The Philippines can evolve into a model for ending the exploitation of human trafficking if the government commits to implementing internationally recognized strategies, such as strengthening the prosecution of traffickers, providing efficient support for victims, and partnering with international organizations and local non-governmental organizations to further prevent human trafficking from occurring. The results will be felt locally, nationally, and internationally, helping the global community meet the challenges of the Millennium Development Goals.

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There is no doubt that demand for the respect of human rights was one of the factors behind the Arab Spring and Libya is no exception. Four decades of absolute dictatorship headed by Muammar Gaddafi had been further tainted with gross violations of human rights of Libyan citizens and restrictions on their basic freedoms. Before the revolution, Libya was a country where no political parties were allowed. Freedom of expression and the press were extremely restricted. Reports about the country’s human rights violations published by a number of international organizations documented large scale human rights abuses at the hands of the Gaddafi regime. The 17 February 2011 revolution in Libya led to a turning point in the country’s history. The regime of Muammar Gaddafi which had dominated the country since 1969 eventually collapsed, leading to the beginning of the painful task of reconciliation and state building. Nonetheless it is estimated that more than 7000 prisoners are held captive by various militias and armed groups without due process. This in addition to thousands of internally displaced persons. State building involves the consolidation of a democratic state based on a democratic constitution. In 2011, a constitutional declaration was adopted to replace the one that had been in effect since 1969. This was intended as a stop-gap solution to allow the new political forces unleashed in the country time to write a new democratic constitution. To help consolidate the democratic state, three elements are required: that human rights be placed at its core; that these rights are truly implemented and applied; and lastly that the independence of the judiciary is safeguarded. For all this to happen it is also essential to strengthen education on human rights by encouraging non-governmental organizations to take a stronger role in promoting human rights. Libyan citizens can only avail themselves of these rights and strengthen their implementation if they know what they are and how they can benefit from their implementation

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The objectives of the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) for the countries of the Balkan region are generally assumed to be complementary. They both stress and condition their support and assistance on the progress that these countries make with regards to economic modernization, build-up of social institutions, and respect for international law. However, this rhetoric doesn't always match the facts on the ground. Often, instead of dealing with a cohesive set of policy recommendations, the countries in the region are faced with contradictory alternatives and zero-sum choices. The debate over the development of the International Criminal Court (ICC) was such a case. It centered on whether the countries in the region should exempt US personnel from the jurisdiction of the Court while in the country and thus rendering them immune from prosecution for any crimes committed for which the US courts were not willing or able to take any action. The final outcome was mixed. Three of the countries - Croatia, Serbia (and Montenegro), and Slovenia - decided not to give in to US pressure, while the remaining three - Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia - ignored the pleas and threats of the EU and of the various international non-governmental organizations and decided to sign Bilateral Immunity Agreements (BIAs) with the US. How can one explain such divergent outcomes? I argue that the credibility of actors involved played an important role in determining whether threats coming from the US or the EU were more credible, thus tipping the scales in favor of signing BIAs with the US. However, the issue of threat credibility serves only to narrow down the choices of actors. Further determination of the outcome necessitates a look at the nature of the security context in which these countries exist and operate.

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Nas últimas décadas, a Base da Pirâmide tem sido cada vez mais debatida entre líderes ocidentais como a nova terra das oportunidades. Com o advento do neoliberalismo no campo do desenvolvimento na década de 1990, o papel da sociedade civil e, em particular, o de Organizações Não-Governamentais, passou a ser enfatizado como sendo central nas estratégias ocidentais no "Sul" do mundo. Os atores do desenvolvimento, no entanto, muitas vezes abordaram essas questões utilizando perspectivas tradicionais, que estavam geralmente fora de contexto. A tese foca na controvérsia em torno do uso de técnicas de gestão em cenários que diferem daqueles nos quais estas ferramentas têm sido desenvolvidas. Em particular, ela procura compreender em que medida o gerencialismo - a ideologia da gestão - está a influenciando as atividades de uma Organização Não-Governamental brasileira, a Galpão Aplauso. O estudo, usando uma estrutura teórica, analisa o relacionamento entre a ONG e seus parceiros, sublinhando os resultados de conflitos ideológicos. No geral, descobriu-se como o encontro das perspectivas do Norte e do Sul originou alguns debates que levaram, em parte, à aceitação de ideias gerencialistas, tais como a replicabilidade e sistematização de processos, enquanto que em alguns casos, eles intensificaram a resistência da ONG sobre conceitos como sustentabilidade financeira e transformação em um negócio social.

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This paper explores alterations in social dynamics caused by coca crops in Curvaradó and Jiguamiandó, at Choco department in the Colombian Pacific region. The research analyzes the role of armed actors such as paramilitaries and guerrillas in the conformation of new social spaces where local people find resistance as the main tool to survive in chaotic environments. Local power as a politics of resistance is also analyzed. Non-governmental organizations are a key tool to comprehend new social configurations. By doing the analysis and comparison using political ecology as the theoretical background along with concepts of moral economy and everyday resistance, with qualitative research methods. The paper aims to interpret and provide a better understanding of those changes considering social-environmental relations. Findings suggest that those changes in social structure are leading to an understanding, not just of the organization of the area, but also that social dynamics and coca crops cannot be generalized in the country. 

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Esta dissertação teve como objetivo geral analisar as relações entre estilos de liderança, percepção de suporte organizacional e comprometimento organizacional afetivo em trabalhadores. Participaram da pesquisa 263 trabalhadores que atuam na Região Sudeste do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro e São Paulo) em organizações não governamentais, públicas e privadas. Como instrumento para coleta de dados foi utilizado um questionário de autopreenchimento composto de três escalas que mediram as variáveis da pesquisa. O estudo se propôs a apresentar, interpretar e discutir as relações entre as variáveis, como também, testar as hipóteses referentes ao modelo conceitual proposto, por meio de uma pesquisa de natureza transversal com abordagem quantitativa, cujos dados coletados foram analisados por aplicação de técnicas estatísticas paramétricas (cálculos de estatísticas descritivas: médias, desvio padrão, teste t e correlações; cálculos de estatísticas multivariadas: análises de regressões lineares múltiplas hierárquicas). O tratamento e análise dos dados foram realizados pelo software estatístico Statistical Package for the Social Science SPSS, versão 18.0 para Windows. Os resultados obtidos demonstraram que a variável percepção de suporte organizacional exerce forte e significativo impacto sobre comprometimento organizacional afetivo, enquanto que a variável estilos de liderança não consegue aumentar nem diminuir a força. A pesquisa possibilitou concluir pela adequação parcial do modelo testado visto ser a variável estilos de liderança um moderador frágil da relação entre percepção de suporte organizacional e comprometimento organizacional afetivo.