882 resultados para NPM, modernisation, New Labour, financial crisis, coalition government
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In this paper we describe the main causes of the recent financial crisis as a result of many theoretical, methodological, and practical shortcomings mostly according to heterodox, but also including some important orthodox economists. At theoretical level, there are problems concerning teaching and using economic models with overly unrealistic assumptions. In the methodological front, we find the unsuspected shadow of Milton Friedman’s ‘unrealisticism of assumptions’ thesis lurking behind the construction of this kind of models and the widespread neglect of methodological issues. Of course, the most evident shortcomings are at the practical level: (i) huge interests of the participants in the financial markets (banks, central bankers, regulators, rating agencies mortgage brokers, politicians, governments, executives, economists, etc. mainly in the US, Canada and Europe, but also in Japan and the rest of the world), (ii) in an almost completely free financial and economic market, that is, one (almost) without any regulation or supervision, (iii) decision-taking upon some not well regarded qualities, like irresponsibility, ignorance, and inertia; and (iv) difficulties to understand the current crisis as well as some biases directing economic rescues by governments. Following many others, we propose that we take this episode as an opportunity to reflect on, and hopefully redirect, economic theory and practice.
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Pós-graduação em Relações Internacionais (UNESP - UNICAMP - PUC-SP) - FFC
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La tesi analizza il mutamento in atto nelle fonti del diritto del lavoro, attraverso uno studio dei casi di rinvio dalla legge al contratto collettivo. Nella Parte I della tesi è affrontato il tema dei rapporti tra legge e contratto collettivo. In una prospettiva statica, i rapporti tra legge e contratto collettivo sono caratterizzati dall’operare dei principii di gerarchia e del favor: la legge prevede il trattamento minimo di tutela e il contratto collettivo può modificare tale trattamento in senso più favorevole al lavoratore. In una prospettiva dinamica, i rapporti tra legge e contratto collettivo sono più complessi: nell’ordinamento italiano, infatti, la disciplina del rapporto e del mercato del lavoro è caratterizzata da una valorizzazione degli apporti dell’autonomia collettiva. In particolare, il contratto collettivo è destinatario di una serie di rinvii, che lo autorizzano a completare la disciplina legale e a modificarla anche in senso meno favorevole al lavoratore, al fine di creare un mercato del lavoro maggiormente dinamico. Nella Parte II della tesi l’analisi si concentra sull’art. 8 della l. n. 148/2011. Tale disposizione è stata introdotta durante la crisi economico-finanziaria che ha colpito l’Italia tra il 2011 e il 2012, a seguito di trattative tra il Governo italiano e le istituzioni dell’UE, al fine di attribuire alle imprese uno strumento per incrementare la loro competitività e produttività. L’art. 8 autorizza il contratto collettivo a derogare in peius alla legge con riferimento a un arco tematico di materie e istituti che comprende l’intero profilo della disciplina del rapporto di lavoro, con alcune eccezioni. L’art. 8 rappresenta il punto di arrivo di una lunga evoluzione legislativa e consente di mettere in discussione la ricostruzione tradizionale dei rapporti tra legge e contratto collettivo basata sui principii di gerarchia e di favore.
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In 2008 two government-sponsored enterprises, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, were placed into conservatorship due to insolvency. The financial bailout of the two publically traded corporations came at the expense of the American tax payer. This study investigates the relationship between direct and indirect government influence and the increasing risk taking of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac from the late 1990’s through their conservatorship in 2008. As government-sponsored enterprises Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac have many special advantages that other publically traded companies did not possess. These advantages allowed Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to increase their profitability. Theoretical literature regarding Congress and the bureaucracy suggests that the actions of bureaucrats can be linked to the preferences of Congressional members because bureaucrats are responsive to potential threats or perceived threats from the legislature. This theory is applicable to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, and is used to explain why the government was able to directly and indirectly influence the government-sponsored enterprises. Overall this investigation has determined that the United States government pursued a clear mission that determined to increase the availability of housing to all Americans, specifically to low-income and under-served individuals, through the use of the government-sponsored enterprises. Despite this link there is no conclusive data to show that the pursuit of this housing mission led Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to operate in riskier business segments. This study has also found that motivation regarding profit-seeking and compensation structure provide a more plausible explanation for why the government-sponsored enterprises began to engage in riskier business practices that led to their insolvency.
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La Región Metropolitana de Madrid (RMM) ha sufrido una gran transformación urbana en el periodo 1985-2007, en el cual ha crecido la población, ha crecido fuertemente el cuerpo físico, pero sobre todo han crecido su coste y su consumo, lo que supone que se ha vuelto más insostenible. Para tratar de comprender esta evolución asimétrica se ensayan sucesivos modelos que tratan de explicar la transformación de la realidad a través de la articulación de las formas de poder y sus políticas asociadas dentro del contexto local-metropolitano. Si se compara la transformación urbana en el periodo 1985-2007 respecto a la registrada durante el desarrollismo previo al presente periodo democrático, se encuentran similitudes, como el amplio consumo de suelo, pero el modelo desarrollista se inscribe en otras lógicas y tiene otros parámetros de contexto y es congruente ya que las últimas décadas del Régimen Franquista se caracterizan por un importantísimo aumento poblacional que se correspondía con el fuerte crecimiento industrial de la RMM. Esa congruencia relativa se pierde en el periodo estudiado, a pesar de que en 1985, se aprueba el Plan General de Ordenación Urbana de Madrid centrado en la ciudad existente y con un crecimiento contenido, y que puede considerarse un modelo abortado. Tras numerosas transformaciones políticas, económicas, sociales y urbanísticas se llega a una situación opuesta a la prevista en el citado Plan. Más de veinte años después, en 2007, se presentan no solo síntomas de agotamiento del modelo finalmente adoptado, sino su quiebra dramática tanto en su dimensión inmobiliario-financiera como del espacio del bienestar. Es precisamente la supresión de los mecanismos de regulación lo que ha caracterizado la evolución de los modelos urbanos, en correspondencia con la desregulación de las actividades económicas y de los flujos de capital propios del modelo "neoliberal". La actual crisis financiera internacional, en especial en algunos países periféricos europeos como España, ha demostrado cómo las políticas económicas que se han llevado a cabo, fuera de toda regulación, han resultado insostenibles. Pero no se trata solo de una crisis económica. En el caso español, de todas las dimensiones de la crisis, destaca la dimensión urbana, o el auge y caída del ciclo inmobiliario, debido a la urbanización intensiva del territorio en relación con el circuito secundario de la acumulación capitalista, habiendo tenido especial incidencia en algunos territorios como la RMM. En la Región Metropolitana de Madrid la situación actual es de crisis urbana, causada principalmente por el divorcio entre las necesidades y la producción de ciudad, pues no se ha basado el crecimiento en la creación de nuevos hogares, u otras cuestiones demográficas, sino en la acumulación de capital a través del crecimiento de la ciudad. Además, dicho crecimiento está conformado por una expansión urbana descontrolada, con mayores requerimientos energéticos que el modelo compacto y complejo tradicional, lo que unido a la escala de los procesos, supone un sistema urbano progresivamente ineficiente. El caso de la RMM resulta paradigmático, ya que la región ha desempeñado un papel como laboratorio de nuevas formas de gobierno y planificación que han dado un mayor protagonismo al espacio, que ha entrado en las dinámicas centrales principalmente por el apoyo al crecimiento físico, a la vez que han confluido circunstancias específicas, como un nuevo impulso al centralismo, lo que ha potenciado ciertas políticas, como considerar la ciudad como motor de crecimiento económico y de competitividad en el concierto europeo y mundial de ciudades. El estudio del papel de la planificación y sus crisis en la sucesión de los modelos, muestra su función nuclear en la propia constitución de estos —es parte fundamental de su aparato de regulación— y su valor no solo para poder entender el periodo, sino para poder proyectar otro futuro urbano. Este enfoque conduce a establecer la relación del planeamiento con las diferentes crisis económicas en el periodo de estudio lo que permite diferenciar tres momentos de dicha relación: la planificación urbanística austera bajo la influencia de la crisis fordista, la salida de la crisis a través de la imposición de un modelo urbano basado en el sobreproducción de espacio urbano, y la entrada en una crisis inmobiliaria y de financiarización en relación a la adopción de un modelo multidimensionalmente insostenible. El análisis de este periodo es la base para apuntar perspectivas que permitan transformar el gobierno urbano hacia un modelo urbano más deseable, o mejor aún, otros futuros posibles, que se enmarcan dentro de la alternativa principal que supone la sostenibilidad. Madrid's Metropolitan Region (MMR) has undergone a major urban transformation in the period 1985-2007, where the population has grown up, the built environment has grown strongly, but mostly its cost and consumption have grown, which means that it has become unsustainable. To try to understand this evolution successive asymmetric models are tested in order to explain the transformation of reality through the articulation of forms of power and its associated policies in that localmetropolitan context. Comparing the urban transformation in the period 1985-2007 to the existing during developmentalism in the current predemocratic period, both have similarities in terms of land consumption, but the previous developmentalism model is part of another logics and has got other context parameters. It is consistent since the last decades of the Franco Regime was characterized by an important population increase that corresponded to strong industrial growth of the MMR. This relative consistency is lost during the study period, although in 1985, with the approval of the Master Plan of Madrid that was focused on the existing city, with a limited growth, and it may be considered an interrupted model. After numerous political, economic, social and urban changes, there is the opposite situation to that foresight under that Plan. Over twenty years later, in 2007, there are not only signs of exhaustion of the model which was finally adopted, but also its dramatic collapse in both real estate and financial dimension of space as well. The urban transformation under analysis has relaunched the hegemony of the sectors that rule the growth of the Madrid's Metropolitan Region and it is supported by decision making and financing of the different administrations with the passivity of the social stakeholders and citizens. This has meant the removal of regulatory mechanisms that have characterized the evolution of urban models, corresponding to the deregulation of economic activities and capital flows according to "neoliberal" model. The current international financial crisis, especially in some European peripheral countries like Spain, has shown how economic policies that have been carried out, without any regulation, have proven unsustainable. But it is not only an economic crisis. In the Spanish case, of all the dimensions of the crisis, it is the urban dimension that is highlighted, or the rise and fall of real estate cycle, due to intensive urbanization of the territory in relation to the secondary circuit of capital accumulation, having had a particular impact in some territories such as the Madrid's Metropolitan Region. In Madrid's Metropolitan Region there is the current situation of urban crisis, mainly caused by the divorce between needs and the city (space) production, because no growth has been based on creating new homes, or other demographic issues, but in the capital accumulation through growth of the city. Furthermore, this growth is made up of urban sprawl, with higher energy requirements than the traditional compact and complex one, which together with the scale of processes, is increasingly an inefficient urban system. The case of Madrid's Metropolitan Region is paradigmatic, since the region has played a role as a laboratory for new forms of governance and planning have given a greater role to space, which has entered the core dynamics supported mainly by physical growth, while specific circumstances have come together as a new impulse to centralization. This has promoted policies such as considering the city as an engine of economic growth and competitiveness in the international and the European hierarchy of cities. The study of the role of planning and crisis in the succession of models, shows its nuclear role in the constitution of these models is a fundamental part of its regulatory apparatus- and also its value not only to understand the period, but to anticipate to other urban future. This approach leads to establish the relationship of planning with the various crises in the study period, allowing three different moments of that relationship: the austere urban planning under the influence of Fordist crisis, the output of the crisis through imposition of an urban model based on the overproduction of urban space, and entry into a housing crisis and financialisation in relation to the adoption of a multi-dimensionally unsustainable model. The analysis of this period is the basis for targeting prospects that translate urban governance towards a more desirable urban model, or better yet, other possible futures, which are part of the main alternative that is sustainability.
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This research explores the impacts of the most recent U.S. economic crisis on the Mexican immigrant labour market, specifically from the town of Tunkás, Yucatan. Based on Bourdieu.’s theory of Capital production, and the transnational theoretical perspective, this study aims to build a conceptual frame for the migrant’s social capital in modern societies. A key element of this analysis is that a pioneer migrant-woman has initiated the tunkaseño social network in Los Angeles and Orange County, California; and has set the route to migrate to North. Finally this analysis presents how U.S. worksite enforcement policy affects the labour market that tunkaseños encounter in Southern California in the midst of a financial crisis. Tunkás, our Mayan community, native from the Southern Mexican state of Yucatan has experienced a constant migration process to California ever since the Bracero Program started. Mayan migrants have acquired new responsibilities, and a hybrid identity as transnational citizens. Yucatecan migration is defined as a contemporary Mexican migration, mostly undocumented, exacerbated during the nineties, in the midst of the Mexican financial crisis from 1994 to 1997. The present work is part of a broader research that discusses the transformation of Mexican migration patterns of different states of Mexico. This project is based on fieldwork in the communities of origin and destination. As well, on the survey results and life stories obtained during 2005-2006, and 2008-2009 by MMFRP1, where I took part in both editions as a researcher...
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The deepest financial crisis to strike the global economy since the Great Depression has unceremoniously called into question the very foundations of the Western economic model. The liberalisation of capital flows and the growing internationalisation of financial markets outpaced global regulatory and supervisory efforts. The repercussions of the financial crisis have given new dynamism to the reform of financial regulation both globally and within the European Union (EU). The Eurozone, by way of its own failings, has emerged as a stronger conceptual and legitimate entity since the onset of the crisis, but to what extent does this equate to a greater external role, in particular in the reform of international financial regulation? This paper argues that the Eurozone is currently not in a position to play an important role in the reform of international financial regulation, as it is a weak actor in the context of the EU financial architecture, which is still largely characterised by differing national regimes, a prevailing influence from the UK and fragmented external representation. The key finding from this study is that internal tensions in the EU are at the very heart of the Eurozone’s difficulties in playing a role in the reform of international financial regulation. Surmounting these tensions is a pre-requisite for the Eurozone if it is to overcome its structural weakness in international financial politics. However, the implications of such evolutions to the Eurozone, as an entity, and to European integration are far-reaching.
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This Commentary argues that the failure to recognise shared responsibility for the banking crisis in Cyprus has led to the imposition of a bail-in template that increases the risk of banking crises and economic depression in the eurozone.
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Introduction. Regional government in contemporary western Europe corresponds to a type of society and economy variously labeled "post-industrial", "post-bourgeois" or merely "the New Europe."l This New Europe evolved historically from the interconnected strands of capitalism; industrialism and pluralistic democracy. It resembles in many respects the type of economy and society familiar to us in North America. Regional government in such a society is thus merely an adaptation on the scale of half a continent of forms of social and economic organization which evolved historically at the national level. Regional government in the New Europe is the institutional and political recognition that societies have changed dramatically since 1945, so dramatically that they cannot be adequately described in the doctrines and ideologies made familiar by nineteenth and early twentieth century political thought. Hence the New Europe and its regional government is the future of that part of history which has also been aptly described as "the end of ideology."
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The Asian financial crisis (1997) and the European crisis (2009) have both contributed to the development and deepening of regional safety net arrangements. This paper analyses the relationships between global and regional financial safety nets, and uncovers the potential tensions and operational challenges associated with the involvement of several institutional players with potentially different interests, analytical biases and governance. The G20 has acknowledged the importance of these new players for the international monetary system, but the principles for cooperation between the IMF and regional financing arrangements are far too broad and ad hoc to contribute to a coherent and effective architecture. This paper tries to establish some lessons learned from the Asian financial crisis in 1997 and the current European crisis in order to enhance the effectiveness, efficiency, equity and governance of these arrangements. In particular, it proposes changes to the IMF articles of agreement to allow for lending or guarantees to regional arrangements directly and it establishes some key desirable features and practices of regional mechanisms that should be adopted everywhere to ensure some global consistency, particularly in the field of macroeconomic surveillance, programme design and conditionality.
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This Policy Brief describes and discusses the proposals for a European Single Resolution Mechanism (SRM) for banks and for a Directive on Bank Recovery and Resolution (BRR). The authors find that the proposals are generally well designed and present a consistent approach, yet there is room for improvement, including the streamlining of procedures for the start of resolution, which now entail much overlap in the powers attributed to the various institutions involved (the Commission, the Single Resolution Board and the European Central Bank). The paper makes a number of key recommendations to facilitate discussions for stakeholders and regulators.
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The financial and economic crisis has hit Europe in its core. While the crisis may not have originated in the European Union, it has laid bare structural weaknesses in the EU’s policy framework. Both public finances and the banking sector have been heavily affected. For a long time, the EU failed to take into account sufficiently the perverse link that existed between the two. Negative evolutions in one field of the crisis often dragged along the other in its downward spiral. In June 2012, in the early hours of a yet another EU Summit, the leaders of the eurozone finally decided to address the link between the banking and sovereign debt crises. Faced with soaring public borrowing costs in Spain and Italy, they decided to allow for the direct European recapitalisation of banks when the Member State itself would no longer be in a position to do so. In exchange, supervision of the banking sector would be lifted to the European level by means of a Single Supervisory Mechanism. The Single Supervisory Mechanism, or SSM in the EU jargon, is a first step in the broader revision of policies towards banks in Europe. The eventual goal is the creation of a Banking Union, which is to carry out effective surveillance and – if needed – crisis management of the banking sector. The SSM is to rely on national supervisors and the ECB, with the ECB having final authority on the matter. The involvement of the latter made it clear that the SSM would be centred on the eurozone – while it is to remain open to other Member States willing to join. Due to the ongoing problems and the link between the creation of the SSM and the recapitalisation of banks, the SSM became one of the key legislative priorities of the EU. In December 2012, Member States reached an agreement on the design of the SSM. After discussions with the European Parliament (which were still ongoing at the time of writing), the process towards making the SSM operational can be initiated. The goal is to have the SSM fully up and running in the first half of 2014. The decisions that were taken in June 2012 are likely to have had a bigger impact than the eurozone’s Heads of State and Government could have realised at the time for two important reasons. On the one hand, creating the SSM necessitates a full Banking Union and therefore shared risk. On the other hand, the decisions improved the ECB’s perception of the willingness of governments to take far-reaching measures. This undoubtedly played a significant role in the creation of the Outright Monetary Transactions programme by the ECB, which has led to a substantial easing of the crisis in the short-term. 1 These short-term gains should now be matched with a stable long-term framework for bank supervision and crisis management. The agreement on the SSM should be the first step in the direction of this goal. This paper provides an analysis of the SSM and its role in the creation of a Banking Union. The paper starts with a reminder of why the EU decided to put in place the SSM (§1) and the state of play of the ongoing negotiations on the SSM (§2). Subsequently, the supervisory responsibilities of the SSM are detailed, including its scope and the division of labour between the national supervisors and the ECB (§3). The internal functioning of the SSM (§4) and its relation to the other supervisors are discussed afterwards (§5). As mentioned earlier, the SSM is part of a wider move towards a Banking Union. Therefore, this paper sheds light on the other building blocks of this ambitious project (§6). The transition towards the Banking Union is important and will prove to be a bumpy ride. Before formulating a number of conclusions, this Working Paper therefore provides an overview of the planned road ahead (§7).
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Countries can make a clean exit from financial assistance, or enter a new programme or a precautionary programme, depending on the sustainability of their public debt and their vulnerability to shocks. Ireland made a clean exit in December 2013, supported by significant budgetary and current-account adjustment and signs of economic recovery. But Irish debt sustainability is not guaranteed and prudence will be needed to avoid future difficulties. A clean exit for Portugal is not recommended when its programme ends in May 2014, because compared to Ireland it faces higher interest rates, has poorer growth prospects and has probably less ability to generate a consistently high primary surplus. A precautionary arrangement would be advisable. In case debt sustainability proves difficult to achieve later, some form of debt restructuring may prove necessary. It is unlikely that Greece will be able to exit its programme in December 2014. A third programme should be put in place to take Greece out of the market until 2030, accompanied by enhanced budgetary and structural reform commitments by Greece, a European boost to economic growth in the euro-area periphery and willingness on the part of lenders to reduce loan charges below their borrowing costs, should public debt levels prove unsustainable despite Greece meeting the loan conditions. Even assuming all goes well, the three countries will be subject to enhanced post-pro-gramme surveillance for decades. Managing such long-term relationships will be a key challenge.
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The news from Greece these days has been dominated by the announcement that the government achieved a primary budget surplus in 2013. While acknowledging that this is indeed a highly laudable accomplishment, Daniel Gros points out in a new commentary that a more important news item, which has received much less attention, is the fact that Greece exported less in 2013 than in 2012. After considering various textbook causes for this poor export performance, he concludes that the only explanation must be that the Greek economy has remained so distorted that it has not responded to changing price signals.