Media web sites interactivity: Searching new ways to dialog with their users

Currently the media have made many new tools on their websites in order to broaden the dialogue with its users, a feature that has been called interactivity. The objective of this research is to describe the interactive resources of Chilean media websites. The analysis was conducted at 20 sites using a pattern of six dimensions with interactive forms which are today using identified. The findings indicate that digital media Chileans are expanding the possibilities of dialogue with users on social media, especially Twitter and Facebook, and the mediauser interaction is monological, that is to say, from the media to the user, but with very low feedback.

Narrative Deliberation? On Storytelling as a Necessary Component of Public Deliberation

This paper deals with the place of narrative, that is, storytelling, in public deliberation. A distinction is made between weak and strong conceptions of narrative. According to the weak one, storytelling is but one rhetorical device among others with which social actors produce and convey meaning. In contrast, the strong conception holds that narrative is necessary to communicate, and argue, about topics such as the human experience of time, collective identities and the moral and ethical validity of values. The upshot of this idea is that storytelling should be a necessary component of any ideal of public deliberation. Contrary to recent work by deliberative theorists, who tend to adopt the weak conception of narrative, the author argues for embracing the strong one. The main contention of this article is that stories not only have a legitimate place in deliberation, but are even necessary to formulate certain arguments in the fi rst place; for instance, arguments drawing on historical experience. This claim, namely that narrative is constitutive of certain arguments, in the sense that, without it, said reasons cannot be articulated, is illustrated by deliberative theory’s own narrative underpinnings. Finally, certain possible objections against the strong conception of narrative are dispelled.

Estrategias de visibilización y procesos de identificación boliviana en la prensa gráfica y en la red social Facebook, en dos ciudades del centro de la provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina

Los usos y las formas de identificación intra y extra grupo a través de los medios de comunicación son aspectos escasamente explorados en los estudios sobre las identidades en ciudades de tipo intermedias del centro de la provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina. Por ello, el objetivo de este trabajo consiste en analizar y discutir los modos en que se visibilizan y construyen las representaciones y manifestaciones de los inmigrantes y descendientes bolivianos, específicamente en la red social Facebook y en la prensa gráfica local de las ciudades de Olavarría y Azul. Se pretende contribuir a la comprensión de la manera en que se producen los diversos discursos y saberes de estos grupos, así como identificar a estos medios de comunicación como instrumentos que posibilitan intervenir desde otros espacios de reconocimiento y legitimidad.

The influence that politicians, community leaders and the media have on confidence in the police in Northern Ireland

n January 2014, the Northern Ireland Policing Board (NIPB) commissioned the University of Ulster to conduct research into public confidence in policing to help inform the work of the Board and its oversight of police service delivery. More specifically, the research team were tasked with exploring ‘the influence that politicians, community leaders and the media have on public confidence in policing in Northern Ireland’. To date, the subject of ‘confidence in policing’ within a Northern Ireland context has been relatively under researched, both in academic and policy terms. Thus, the present research is the first empirical research to be produced in Northern Ireland which considers the issue of confidence in policing from the perspective of community leaders, politicians and the media – including the key influences and dynamics which underpin police confidence at a community level.

The report begins with a comprehensive review of academic literature, policy documents and contemporary events related to confidence in policing. The research then provides an overview of the methodology used to undertake the research, with the remainder of the report comprised of the findings from the discussions with representatives from the media, political parties and the community and voluntary sector who participated. The report concludes with an overview of the central findings along with a series of recommendations.

The Impact of Global English in Xinjiang, China: Linguistic Capital and Identity Negotiation among the Ethnic Minority and Han Chinese Students

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08

Concepts of the Global South

Where and what is the Global South? If you ask people on the street, many would probably not have the faintest idea. In everyday parlance and mass media, Global South has hardly become a household term. In academic and (global) policy circles, though, the term is used with much more gusto. Politicians refer to it. The United Nations organize their statistical data in accordance with the term. Academics write books about it - or, as in our case, explicitly include the term in the name of a research center: Global South Studies Center (GSSC). But what does the term entail? Who uses it and why? And what are the implications of marking distinctions between the Global South and the Global North? We thought it relevant to address these questions in more detail – after all, we work for a recently established research institute featuring the term in its name. Accordingly, we asked a number of academics, journals and academic institutions to reflect on the term. In this online issue, we share their various perspectives and critical reflections on the notion of the Global South – see also a short discussion on a number of YouTube videos we have included.

The use of e-voting as a new tool of e-participation in modern democracies

Finding the answer to the question of the role of electronic voting in a modern country consti - tutes an important part of researches into electronic democracy. The recent dynamic development of in - formation and communication technologies (ICT) and mass media have been leading to noticeable changes in functioning of contemporary countries and societies. ICT is beginning to play a greater and greater role and filter down to almost every field of contemporary human life – including politics. Elec - tronic voting represents one of the more and more popular forms of so called e-democracy, and is an in - teresting research subject in the context of mechanisms for implementing this form of participation in elections, its legitimization, specific technological solutions for e-voting and their effectiveness as well as unintended consequences. The main subject of this text is the use of electronic voting ( e-voting )asone of the forms of electronic democracy . The article attempts to answer the following research questions: First, what is the impact of ICT on the political processes – particularly on the voting procedures? Sec- ondly, what is the essence of electronic voting and what are its main features? Finally, what are the e-voting experiences in the European countries? The text is devoted rather to general remarks on e-voting, and does not constitute a complete analysis of the issue. It is intended to be a contribution to the further considerations.

No right to sext? A critical examination of media and legal debates about teenage girls' sexual agency in the digital age

Advances in digital photography and distribution technologies enable many people to produce and distribute images of their sex acts. When teenagers do this, the photos and videos they create can be legally classified as child pornography since the law makes no exception for youth who create sexually explicit images of themselves. The dominant discussions about teenage girls producing sexually explicit media (including sexting) are profoundly unproductive: (1) they blame teenage girls for creating private images that another person later maliciously distributed and (2) they fail to respect—or even discuss—teenagers’ rights to freedom of expression. Cell phones and the internet make producing and distributing images extremely easy, which provide widely accessible venues for both consensual sexual expression between partners and for sexual harassment. Dominant understandings view sexting as a troubling teenage trend created through the combination of camera phones and adolescent hormones and impulsivity, but this view often conflates consensual sexting between partners with the malicious distribution of a person’s private image as essentially equivalent behaviors. In this project, I ask: What is the role of assumptions about teen girls’ sexual agency in these problematic understandings of sexting that blame victims and deny teenagers’ rights? In contrast to the popular media panic about online predators and the familiar accusation that youth are wasting their leisure time by using digital media, some people champion the internet as a democratic space that offers young people the opportunity to explore identities and develop social and communication skills. Yet, when teen girls’ sexuality enters this conversation, all this debate and discussion narrows to a problematic consensus. The optimists about adolescents and technology fall silent, and the argument that media production is inherently empowering for girls does not seem to apply to a girl who produces a sexually explicit image of herself. Instead, feminist, popular, and legal commentaries assert that she is necessarily a victim: of a “sexualized” mass media, pressure from her male peers, digital technology, her brain structures or hormones, or her own low self-esteem and misplaced desire for attention. Why and how are teenage girls’ sexual choices produced as evidence of their failure or success in achieving Western liberal ideals of self-esteem, resistance, and agency? Since mass media and policy reactions to sexting have so far been overwhelmingly sexist and counter-productive, it is crucial to interrogate the concepts and assumptions that characterize mainstream understandings of sexting. I argue that the common sense that is co-produced by law and mass media underlies the problematic legal and policy responses to sexting. Analyzing a range of nonfiction texts including newspaper articles, talk shows, press releases, public service announcements, websites, legislative debates, and legal documents, I investigate gendered, racialized, age-based, and technologically determinist common sense assumptions about teenage girls’ sexual agency. I examine the consensus and continuities that exist between news, nonfiction mass media, policy, institutions, and law, and describe the limits of their debates. I find that this early 21st century post-feminist girl-power moment not only demands that girls live up to gendered sexual ideals but also insists that actively choosing to follow these norms is the only way to exercise sexual agency. This is the first study to date examining the relationship of conventional wisdom about digital media and teenage girls’ sexuality to both policy and mass media.

Los nuevos movimientos sociales, el uso de las TIC y su impacto social

El siguiente trabajo es el resultado una revisión sobre los Nuevos movimientos sociales y el uso de las nuevas tecnologías, vistos a la luz de la filosofía política. Esta reflexión parte de los resultados obtenidos en la tesis doctoral sobre “Nuevos movimientos sociales y uso de las TIC. Estudio de casos” presentada en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid en el doctorado de Comunicación, Cambio Social y Desarrollo. Si bien estos movimientos han existido desde hace mucho tiempo, las nuevas tecnologías digitales permiten la visualización, expansión y divulgación mayor de sus agendas y propuestas. El “saber hacer” de estos nuevos movimientos y su capacidad de transformación social, son expresión de un marco de estrategias diferentes a las propuestas por los grupos tradicionales enmarcados en los partidos políticos. Las metodologías de acción civil requieren de un flujo natural de la información, que los partidos políticos no pueden reproducir. Los recursos simbólicos y las expresiones de sentimientos y emociones, saltan a la palestra del juego social configurando un nuevo lenguaje, una manera distinta de ser. Más allá de la implicaciones mediáticas y políticas, hay un trasfondo en términos de cambio social profundo.

Análisis de la transición de lo racional a lo emocional en la comunicación de marca

La comunicación integrada del mercadeo es uno de los elementos que más ha evolucionado en las últimas décadas, gracias a la diversificación de los medios de comunicación, el desarrollo de las agencias publicitarias y la capacidad estratégica y creativa de las marcas -- Dicha transformación va de la mano con las tendencias de consumo, el comportamiento de los compradores y el cambio organizacional, mediante los que se orienta a las empresas hacia el cliente, con fin de buscar siempre conquistar su corazón más que su mente -- En esta medida, el presente texto comprende el análisis de los cambios en la comunicación de marca y el paso de los elementos racionales a emocionales de la misma, además de sus efectos en los resultados de las organizaciones, mediante el entendimiento de su relevancia en la construcción de marca y la coherencia que debe tener con la esencia de la compañía que represente, todo ello a través de la documentación de algunas campañas publicitarias llevadas a cabo durante los últimos diez años, de la marca colombiana de pañales Winny, con base en la investigación de fuentes primarias y entrevistas a cuatro expertos en comunicación de marca

Avian flu: the creation of expectations in the interplay between science and the media

This paper examines the emerging cultural patterns and interpretative repertoires in reports of an impending pandemic of avian flu in the UK mass media and scientific journals at the beginning of 2005, paying particular attention to metaphors, pragmatic markers ('risk signals'), symbolic dates and scare statistics used by scientists and the media to create expectations and elicit actions. This study complements other work on the metaphorical framing of infectious disease, such as foot and mouth disease and SARS, tries to link it to developments in the sociology of expectations and applies insights from pragmatics both to the sociology of metaphor and the sociology of expectations.

As redes sociais e a participação política no âmbito do marketing político do Governo Federal Brasileiro entre 2011 e 2014 : atuação do Ministério da Educação no Facebook

A democracia contemporânea vem, ao longo das últimas décadas, recebendo cada vez mais influência dos meios de comunicação em seus processos. Com o surgimento e propagação da Internet, os governos tem precisado se adaptar e se preocupar com a transparência de suas ações e com as inúmeras vozes de atores sociais cada vez mais conectados, informados e munidos de ferramentas, por meio das quais, podem realizar comunicações de grande alcance de forma rápida e eficaz, sem o intermédio de grandes meios de comunicação. Com o objetivo de observar a relação entre o governos e cidadãos por meio das redess sociais online – um dos principais meios por onde a sociedade, hoje, tem se comunicado e se mobilizado sobre inúmeras, inclusive, políticas – esse estudo analisou como o Ministério da Educação do Brasil (MEC), órgão responsável pelo planejamento e desenvolvimento de políticas públicas para educação no país, trabalha sua comunicação com o cidadão por meio do Facebook e como utiliza essa ferramenta no processo de implementação e avaliação de suas políticas. O trabalho foi realizado por meio do estudo exploratório e da análise qualitativa dos dados colhidos na página MEC no Facebook entre anos de 2011 e 2014, período do primeiro mandato da presidente Dilma Rousseff. Com a análise, observou-se que o MEC modificou bastante a forma como se comunica por esta rede social, recebendo, inclusive, aparente melhor infra-estrutura para esta tarefa. Sua mudança de postura no Facebook deixa claro o interesse e a busca pela participação dos cidadadãos no desevolvimento de suas políticas públicas. Por outro lado, mostra que essa participação é, de certa forma, limitada pela atitude do MEC de não desenvolver diálogo com o cidadão, mantendo-os sempre a certa distância.

Playing Miami : Afrocuban performance artists negotiating cubanidad

The social scripts that are deeply involved in cultural production by AfroCuban identified artists in Miami, during the late nineties to the present, participate in a climate that is informed by and feeds from the so-called Latin Explosion of this time period. More specifically, varying historical, socioeconomic, and geopolitical trajectories have placed Africa and African-based religion and cultural production (via music and theatre) at the center of Cuban national identity. The purpose of this study is to facilitate a discussion of the experiences of AfroCuban performance artists and the climate for production, given the aforementioned dynamics, in mass media. These experiences are directed by a study of transnational structures for cultural production (including the more recent memory-shadow of hip-hop culture in Cuba) and discourse that engages theories of modernity, authenticity, and resistance. Through the interventions of artists, producers, and distributors via their art and business, the text identifies and resists the pervasive oppression of stereotype, dehumanization (Othering), and essentialism.

Economic impact of political protests (strikes) on manufacturing firms : evidence from Bangladesh

Political protests in the form of strikes, locally known as hartal, remain quite common in the Indian subcontinent countries. Such a form of protests is associated with mass movement, intended to cause a total shutdown of economic activities and often results in coercion, violence, and damage to both public and private properties. Utilizing the World Bank Enterprise survey data of 2007 and 2013 of Bangladesh, this study examines the impacts of hartals on manufacturing firms. We find that political protests significantly increase costs for firms. Using flexible cost function based on factor analysis we see that the factor-neutral effect of strikes is positive and statistically significant, showing evidence of a reduction in firm productivity due to hartals. However, we did not find any evidence for systematic factor re-optimization by firms – in response to political strikes – suggesting that firms do not reallocate factor shares to tackle uncertain and irregular shocks like hartals.