Kornai’s DRSE Theory Versus General Equilibrium Theory

János Kornai’s DRSE theory (Kornai, 2014) follows the ex post model philosophy which radically rejects the ex ante set of conditions laid down by the dominant neoclassical school and the stringent limits of equilibrium, and defines its own premises for the functioning of capitalist economy. In other words, the DRSE theory represents an extremely novel trend among the various schools of economics. The theory is still only a verbal model with the following supporting pillars as the immanent features of the capitalist system: dynamism, rivalry and the surplus economy. (The English name of the theory uses the initial letters of the terms Dynamism, Rivalry, Surplus Economy). The dominance of the surplus economy, that is, oversupply is replaced by monopolistic competition, uncertainty over the volume of demand, Schumpeterian innovation, dynamism, technological progress, creative destruction and increasing return to scale with rivalry between producers and service providers for markets. This paper aims to examine whether the DRSE theory can be formulated as a formal mathematical model. We have chosen a special route to do this: first we explore the unreal ex ante assumptions of general equilibrium theory (Walras, 1874; Neumann, 1945), and then we establish some of the possible connections between the premises of DRSE, which include the crucial condition that just like in biological evolution, there is no fixed steady state in the evolutionary processes of market economy, not even as a point of reference. General equilibrium theory and DRSE theory are compared in the focus of Schumpeterian evolutionary economics.

Pivot or periphery? Xinjiang's regional development and Chinese-Central Asian relations at the century's end

Xinjiang, once described by Owen Lattimore as the "pivot of Asia", has played a strategically important role in China's national defense and security. Historically linked on the famous Silk Road with Central Asia, Xinjiang was crucial to East-West economic and cultural exchanges. During the period of Russian/Soviet expansion into Central Asia and Sino-Soviet rivalry, China's need for Xinjiang's defense and territorial integrity became paramount, and consequently Xinjiang's economy was relegated to the periphery.^ The demise of the Soviet Union--which resulted in the independence of five Central Asian states--and China's reform suggest dramatic new possibilities for Xinjiang's regional development as well as interregional cooperation. As China has begun to shift regional emphasis to the interior, Xinjiang's economic development will be accelerated. With the growth of Sino/Xinjiang-Central Asian relations, Xinjiang's importance will not only be borne out in terms of defense and security, but more significantly in terms of trade and economics. At the century's end and the beginning of the 21st century, Xinjiang will likely move away from the periphery and play an increasingly pivotal role in the economy. ^

On the fundamentals of research and development (R&D) spillovers in competitive markets

Rivals may voluntarily share Research and Development (R&D) results even in the absence of any binding agreements or collusion. In a model where rival firms engage in non-cooperative independent R&D process, we used optimization and game theory analysis to study the equilibrium strategy of the firms. Our work showed that, while minimal spillover is always equilibrium, there may be another equilibrium where firms may reciprocally choose high, sometimes perfect, spillover rates. The incentive for sharing R&D output is based on firms' expectations of learning from their rivals' R&D progress in the future. This leads to strategic complementarities between the firms' choices of spillover rates and thus policy implication follows. ^ Public research agencies can contribute more to social welfare by providing research as public goods. In a non-cooperative public-private research relationship where parallel R&D is conducted, by making its R&D results accessible, the public research agency can stimulate private spillovers, even if there exists rivalry among the private firms who can benefit from such spillovers. ^

Oman's foreign policy: Foundations and practice

The object of this dissertation is to record and analyze the foreign policy of the Sultanate of Oman from the early twentieth century until 2004. It challenges the central assumption of the contemporary scholarship on the subject that Muscat's modern foreign policy begins in 1970. It is often presumed that the pre-1970 era does not merit a thorough investigation to understand Muscat's modus operandi today. This study argues that for a comprehensive understanding of Muscat's foreign policy since 1970, the frontier of the historical analysis of Oman's regional and international involvement should be pushed back to the 1930's, when the young Sultan Said assumed power over the country divided by the "Treaty" or the "Agreement" of Sib. Indeed, the thrust of this research lies at once in repudiating the conventional wisdom regarding both the persona of Sultan Said and the customary political/historical narrative of Said's reign. The critical analysis of this period is utilized to rebut the pervasive and largely inaccurate historical narrative of the events prior to 1970, to recount an original interpretation of the period, and to use the narrative as a preamble for subsequent foreign policy directions and initiatives. Furthermore, this dissertation covers the gaps in the literature resulting from the absence of any materials that either record or analyze Muscat's foreign policy from 1996 until 2004. In addition, his study provides new information and a fresh analysis of the international relations of the region, including great power rivalry, especially the competition between the United States and Great Britain, and the attitudes of major regional actors, such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Iraq. ^ The use of a thorough historical inquiry is vital to support the central claim of this dissertation; therefore, a large section of this dissertation is based almost exclusively on archival materials collected from the British Public Records Office, the University of Oxford and the Library of Congress. This project represents the most comprehensive use of archival materials on the subject matter to date. ^

Oman's foreign policy : foundations and practice

The object of this dissertation is to record and analyze the foreign policy of the Sultanate of Oman from the early twentieth century until 2004. It challenges the central assumption of the contemporary scholarship on the subject that Muscat's modern foreign policy begins in 1970. It is often presumed that the pre-1970 era does not merit a thorough investigation to understand Muscat's modus operandi today. This study argues that for a comprehensive understanding of Muscat's foreign policy since 1970, the frontier of the historical analysis of Oman's regional and international involvement should be pushed back to the 1930's, when the young Sultan Said assumed power over the country divided by the "Treaty" or the "Agreement" of Sib. Indeed, the thrust of this research lies at once in repudiating the conventional wisdom regarding both the persona of Sultan Said and the customary political/historical narrative of Said's reign. The critical analysis of this period is utilized to rebut the pervasive and largely inaccurate historical narrative of the events prior to 1970, to recount an original interpretation of the period, and to use the narrative as a preamble for subsequent foreign policy directions and initiatives. Furthermore, this dissertation covers the gaps in the literature resulting from the absence of any materials that either record or analyze Muscat's foreign policy from 1996 until 2004. In addition, his study provides new information and a fresh analysis of the international relations of the region, including great power rivalry, especially the competition between the United States and Great Britain, and the attitudes of major regional actors, such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Iraq. The use of a thorough historical inquiry is vital to support the central claim of this dissertation; therefore, a large section of this dissertation is based almost exclusively on archival materials collected from the British Public Records Office, the University of Oxford and the Library of Congress. This project represents the most comprehensive use of archival materials on the subject matter to date.

Evidências de validade do Millon Behavioral Medicine Diagnostic: avaliação de indicadores de adesão ao tratamento em pacientes com hipertensão

Systemic Arterial Hypertension – SAH – is defined as the syndrome which its main feature is the presence of high tensional levels, associated with alterations of functional or structural levels in the organs that it strikes. Its specific causes are not very well bounded and have an asymptomatic character. Due to its chronicity it requires adherence to the treatment plan in a systematic and permanent manner, implicating in lifestyle changes, combined or not with the use of medication. The personality inventories have been largely used in the lineation of indicative traits of difficulties with the adherence to the treatment. In this sense, developed by Theodore Millon, the Millon Behavioural Medicine Diagnostic – MBMD is an instrument made from the consensus among healthcare professionals, aiming at identifying psychological factors that may compromise medical treatment so that they can be conducted in a way to enable a better adherence. Objective: evaluation of the evidence of validity of the Millon Behavioural Medicine Diagnostic – MBMD for a public of patients with hypertension, aiming at investigating the indicators implicated in the adherence or not to the anti-hypertensive treatment. Method: there was a group of 200 participants in a university hospital in the city of Natal/RN, males and females, ranging from 20 to 70 years old. An interview protocol was administered in order to obtain information about socio-demographic data, clinical history, healthcare habits and way of conducting treatment, and after, the administration of the MBMD followed. Results: by means of Factor Analysis it was verified that the organization proposed by the factors is favorable and it adjusts to the theory, allowing the visualization of other underlying constructs to the scales, with adequate adjustment indexes and satisfactory Cronbach’s alpha indicators. Besides, the MBMD revealed itself sensitive to the intragroup differences relative to the sex, age, schooling, marital status, profession, income, SAH history, diagnostic time, medication use, comorbidity presence, hyposodic diet, social support and adherence criteria variables. The utilization of such instrument in the evaluation of the adherence to the anti-hypertensive treatment show, therefore, indicators of validity.

Efeitos imediatos da plataforma vibratória no desempenho neuromuscular do quadríceps femoral, após reconstrução do LCA: ensaio controlado, randomizado e cego

Objective: to investigate the immediate effect of the vibrating platform on the neuromuscular performance of the quadriceps femoris and on the postural oscillation of subjects submitted to Anterior Cruciate Ligament (ACL) reconstruction. Materials and methods: this study is a randomized and blind clinical trial. Forty-four male volunteers (average age of 27,4 ±6,2 IMC of 26,85± 3,8 Kg/m² and post surgery timeframe of 17± 1,4 weeks) were randomized into two groups: OFF platform (n=22, protocol of exercise over the vibrating platform off) and ON platform (n=22 protocol of exercise over the vibrating platform on, 50Hz frequency and 4mm of amplitude). All volunteers were submitted to assessment the isokinetic evaluation of the quadriceps femoris (isometric and isokinetic at 60°/s) and of the electromyography activity of the muscles Vasto Lateralis (VL) and Vasto Medialis (VM), besides the postural oscillation (baropodometry) in two distinct moments: before and immediately after the intervention protocol. The data was analyzed through the SPSS 20.0 software, with a 5% significance level. To verify the homogeneity of the groups it was used an ANOVA one way, and a ANOVA mixed model to compare the intra and inter groups. Results: it was observed differences between the pre and the post, to latero lateral velocity, isometric torque peak and total work in comparison with intragroup. However, it wasn’t verified any difference in comparing the intergroup in the preevaluation and in the post-evaluation protocol over the vibrating platform. Conclusion: the use of the vibrating platform doesn’t change as an immediate manner the isokinetic performance of the quadriceps femoris, the electromyography activity of the VL and the VM, also doesn’t interfere with the postural oscillation of individuals that were submitted to the ACL reconstruction.

Resposta clínica periodontal e controle glicêmico em pacientes com e sem diabetes tipo II portadores de periodontite crônica ao tratamento periodontal “full mouth desinfection”

There is a bidirectional association between periodontal disease (PD) and diabetes mellitus, in which diabetes favors the development of PD and PD, if left untreated, can worsen the metabolic control of diabetes. Thus, periodontal disease should be treated to restore periodontal health and reduce the complications of diabetes. Therefore, the objective is assess the effect of full mouth periodontal therapy decontamination (Full Mouth Desinfection - FMD) in diabetic type II patients with chronic periodontitis during 12 months. Thirty-one patients in group one (G1) and 12 in group two (G2) were followed at baseline, 03, 06 09 and 12 months. There following clinical parameters were accessed: probing on bleeding (BOP), visible plaque index (PI), probing depth (PD), clinical attachment level (CAL) and gingival recession (GR). For diabetic patients, there were also made laboratory tests to evaluate blood parameters: fasting glucose and glycated hemoglobin. The results had been analyzed in two ways: all sites in the mouth and another with diseased sites. The Mann-Whitney, Friedman and Wilcoxon tests were used with 5% significance. Intergroup analysis of all sites it is clear that there was no significant difference over time concerning PD, BOP, PI, CAL and RG. However, when evaluating the diseased sites, we observed significant difference for CAL and PD, with higher values in G1. The intragroup analysis for all sites showed a statistically significant reduction at PD, PI and BOP in both groups. Intragroup analysis of periodontal affected sites showed a statistically significant reduction in PD, BOP and CAL in both groups. There was also a statistically significant increase in RG values. There was no significant change concerning glycated hemoglobin and fasting glucose in the G1. Therefore, it can be concluded that there were improvements in periodontal parameters over the 12 months of research, but without changes in glycemic levels of diabetic patients. Thus, periodontal therapy proved effective in maintaining oral health.

From Mare Nostrum to Insula Nostra : British Colonial Cyprus and the Italian Imperial Threat

Peer reviewed

Expanding Role Theory: US Responses to Hizb'allah and Iran

There are many sociopolitical theories to help explain why governments and actors do what they do. Securitization Theory is a process-oriented theory in international relations that focuses on how an actor defines another actor as an “existential threat,” and the resulting responses that can be taken in order to address that threat. While Securitization Theory is an acceptable method to analyze the relationships between actors in the international system, this thesis contends that the proper examination is multi-factorial, focusing on the addition of Role Theory to the analysis. Consideration of Role Theory, which is another international relations theory that explains how an actor’s strategies, relationships, and perceptions by others is based on pre-conceptualized definitions of that actor’s identity, is essential in order to fully explain why an actor might respond to another in a particular way. Certain roles an actor may enact produce a rival relationship with other actors in the system, and it is those rival roles that elicit securitized responses. The possibility of a securitized response lessens when a role or a relationship between roles becomes ambiguous. There are clear points of role rivalry and role ambiguity between Hizb’allah and Iran, which has directly impacted, and continues to impact, how the United States (US) responds to these actors. Because of role ambiguity, the US has still not conceptualized an effective way to deal with Hizb’allah and Iran holistically across all its various areas of operation and in its various enacted roles. It would be overly simplistic to see Hizb’allah and Iran solely through one lens depending on which hemisphere or continent one is observing. The reality is likely more nuanced. Both Role Theory and Securitization theory can help to understand and articulate those nuances. By examining two case studies of Hizb’allah and Iran’s enactment of various roles in both the Middle East and Latin America, the situations where roles cause a securitized response and where the response is less securitized due to role ambiguity will become clear. Using this augmented approach of combining both theories, along with supplementing the manner in which an actor, action, or role is analyzed, will produce better methods for policy-making that will be able to address the more ambiguous activities of Hizb’allah and Iran in these two regions.

La mesure alternative d’hostilité dans les relations de rivalité interacteur.

Le présent travail explore le phénomène de la rivalité interétatique1 et les mesures de son intensité. Chacune des définitions existantes de la rivalité fait la lumière sur l’une de ses caractéristiques. La rivalité durable met l’accent sur la compétition militarisée, la rivalité stratégique accorde une importance particulière à la perception de l’ennemi, tandis que la rivalité interétatique est axée sur les questions autour desquelles la compétition se déroule. Ces visions différentes du phénomène de la rivalité laissent leur empreinte sur son opérationnalisation et sur le choix des paramètres visant à le capter. Nous réunissons ces trois interprétations dans une seule définition de rivalité interacteur, en proposant une nouvelle classification des actions hostiles, ainsi que la mesure alternative d’hostilité fondée sur la fréquence de ces dernières. Les quatre études de cas suivantes nous ont permis d’atteindre ces objectifs : les relations de rivalité entre l’Afghanistan et le Pakistan, entre l’Arménie et l’Azerbaïdjan, entre le Bélize et le Guatemala, ainsi qu’entre la Somalie et l’Éthiopie.

TTIP vs. BRICS: Consequences on Geopolitics and Internacional Relations of the XXIst. Century

The TTIP is a proposal on negotiations between the EU and the USA in order to create the largest free international trade area by extension, population and volume of trade of all existing ones. In our view, TTIP would be the geoeconomic answer to BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), as a comercial, geopolitical and cooperation space in other areas such as the military, in both that TTIP reproduce on a commercial scale the political and military alliance already existing between good part of the EU and USA by the NATO. In this paper we will try to explain why the possible rivalry between TTIP and BRICS would reproduce in the XXIst. Century the schemes of “Cold War” inherited from XXth. Century, that in turn reproduced the geopolitical confrontations arising from the theory of Haltford McKinder pivot area and the traditional opposition between thalassocratic imperialisms (government on the seas and oceans) and tellurocratic imperialisms (government on an enormous portion of emerged land). Likewise, we will try to show why, at a dialectic of States level, the most populated, territorially extensive and with greater amount of resources political societies will be those that have the greatest ability to impose a particular model of international relations and its geopolitical hegemony on a universal scale in response to this viable confrontation between TTIP, plus TTP, vs. BRICS.

La Unión Europea y la OTAN en el marco de la nueva Estrategia Global de Seguridad de la Unión Europea

El artículo analiza la relación entre la Unión Europea y la OTAN en cuestiones de defensa, según se ha reflejado en las estrategias de seguridad de la Unión Europea, con particular atención a la Estrategia Global de la Unión Europea presentada en 2016. Se estudia la Estrategia de Seguridad Europea de 2003, el Informe de Implementación de 2008, y las nuevas aproximaciones al contexto internacional y a la seguridad europea que se reflejan en la Estrategia Global. Se analiza también el papel de la OTAN, así como la evolución de la política de seguridad de los Estados Unidos hacia Europa durante la Administración Obama. Finalmente se discute el posible futuro de la Política Común de Seguridad y Defensa de la UE (PCSD) después del Bréxit, así como las consecuencias para su relación con la OTAN.

Relações interétnicas em conflito entre Makuxi e Wapixana na terra indígena Raposa Serra do Sol

This dissertation present an analysis of the interethnic conflict between Makuxi and Wapixana at the current moment in the Maloca of the Adobe, Aboriginal Land Fox-Mountain range of the Sun, in the State of Roraima. The theoretical field was boarded in the Ethnology, pursuing situations in local history, with edges in ethno-history. The research elapsed of the deepening necessity on the social relations and aboriginal politics, for the intercultural professional exercise of educator, appealing the bibliographical survey and participant comment as method; not directive interviews, photographs, filmings and daily register in of field, as techniques carried through in the period of 2006 to 2007. Although to inhabit in the same area and to establish marriages between itself, individuals and groups express tensions, aggravated with the landmark and legal recognition of the area, which generated inter dispute and intraetnias, mainly with the intrusion of farmers, rizicultores and the form of governmental influence. A relation of rivalry, individual and collective was evidenced, suggesting the strengthenig and not it fractionly, of the fights external politics, interns and in way to the cultural diversity and social adversity

Suomen turvallisuuspoliittisen ratkaisun lähtökohtia

Suomi luopui puolueettomuuspolitiikasta turvallisuuspoliittisena linjanaan kun se liittyi Euroopan unioniin ennen kaikkea turvallisuussyistä. Vaikka Suomi on EU-jäsenyyden myötä poliittisesti liittoutunut ja vaikka se on jatkuvasti laajentanut ja syventänyt yhteistyötään NATOn kanssa, Suomi on yhä sotilaallisesti liittoutumaton valtio. Suomen turvallisuuspoliittinen toimintaympäristö on ollut poikkeuksellisen vakaa kylmän sodan jälkeen ennen kaikkea siksi, että maailman voimakkain suurvalta Yhdysvallat on yhä sotilaallisesti läsnä Euroopassa ja Euroopan integraatio on jatkunut ja syventynyt. Suomi on sitonut nykyisen turvallisuuspoliittisen linjansa turvallisuusympäristönsä pysyvyyteen. Viime vuosina NATOn laajentuminen entisen Neuvostoliiton alueelle on voimistanut läntisten suurvaltojen ja Venäjän välistä valtakamppailua ja turvallisuuskilpailua Suomen lähialueella. Viimeistään Ukrainan konflikti on tehnyt ajankohtaiseksi myös kysymyksen Suomen sotilaallisesta liittoutumisesta. Tässä artikkeliteoksessa turvallisuuspolitiikan asiantuntijat analysoivat keskeisimpien ulkoisten toimijoiden – EU:n, Ruotsin, Viron, Venäjän, Yhdysvaltojen ja NATOn – merkitystä Suomen turvallisuuspoliittisen toimintaympäristön vakaudelle ja Suomen turvallisuudelle sekä pohtivat, onko Suomen syytä muuttaa nykyistä turvallisuuspoliittista linjaansa turvallisuusympäristössä tapahtuneiden muutosten vuoksi. Kirjoittajat myös arvioivat Suomen mahdolliseen sotilaalliseen liittoutumiseen liittyviä etuja ja haittoja verrattuna nykyiseen turvallisuuspoliittiseen ratkaisuun. Teoksen kirjoittajien toisistaan poikkeavat näkemykset Suomen turvallisuuspoliittisen toimintaympäristön vakaudesta, NATOn laajentumisen vaikutuksista Itämeren alueella, Venäjän valtapolitiikasta ja sen Suomelle muodostaman sotilaallisen uhan voimakkuudesta, NATOn pelotteen uskottavuudesta ja Yhdysvaltojen sitoutumisesta liittolaistensa puolustamiseen sekä Suomen NATO-jäsenyyden eduista ja haitoista valaisevat laajasti kysymystä Suomen turvallisuudesta ja turvallisuuspoliittisesta ratkaisusta. Suomelle sen geopoliittinen asema Venäjälle strategisesti elintärkeiden Kuolan alueen ja Pietari–Moskova-ydinalueen välittömässä läheisyydessä on ongelmallinen maan turvallisuuden kannalta. Suurvalta Venäjä onkin edelleen keskeisin Suomen turvallisuuteen ja turvallisuuspoliittiseen ratkaisuun vaikuttava ulkoinen toimija. Neuvostoliiton hajoamisen jälkeen Suomella on ollut ainutlaatuinen mahdollisuus liittoutua Yhdysvaltojen kanssa NATO-jäsenyyden myötä Venäjän potentiaalista sotilaallista uhkaa vastaan. Toisaalta Suomella ei kuitenkaan ole ollut pakottavaa tarvetta siihen, koska se on välillisesti hyötynyt Yhdysvaltojen suurstrategiasta Euroopassa ja koska Venäjän valtapolitiikka on kohdistunut ennen kaikkea entisen Neuvostoliiton alueelle. Vaikka Ukrainan konflikti onkin lisännyt poliittista ja sotilaallista jännitettä Itämeren alueella, tämän teoksen perusteella on kuitenkin mahdotonta antaa yksiselitteistä vastausta siihen, pitäisikö Suomen sen turvallisuuspoliittisessa toimintaympäristössä tapahtuneen muutoksen seurauksena liittyä NATOn jäseneksi vai ei. Halutessaan Suomi voi siis edelleen jatkaa nykyisellä turvallisuuspoliittisella linjallaan sotilaallisesti liittoutumattomana valtiona, mutta samalla sen täytyy kuitenkin pitää myös sotilaallinen liittoutuminen avoimena turvallisuuspoliittisena vaihtoehtona tulevaisuudessa.