A history of a policy-level curriculum change in California

With the publication of A Nation at Risk (1983) educational reform has had a prominent place on the agenda of virtually every one of the sovereign states. As in many other states California focused much of its reform effort on the teaching of reading. In a political battle over the reading curriculum, California went from the English/Language Arts Framework of 1987, widely viewed as giving the state's imprimatur to whole language (an approach rooted in the learner's experience), to the English/Language Arts Frameworks (a more traditional or basic approach) of 1998 that called for the inclusion of phonemic awareness as the building block of reading instruction in all elementary schools. This study examined the historical record to determine the major forces behind this curriculum change. The results of this study are helpful to those who wish to better understand the relationship between political forces and curriculum change in the current age of educational reform. ^ This study utilized qualitative research methods and is presented as humanistic historical research (Landes & Tilly, 1971). The organizational framework for the study is taken from the work of M. Frances Klein (1991) which identifies seven different levels of curriculum decision-making. In this analysis particular attention was paid to the interaction of academic, formal, and societal levels, as the problem under consideration casts curriculum decision-making in the political realm. Three sources of information were used to provide the historical record. They include articles from popular newspapers and magazines, government documents, and interviews with individuals directly involved in the political process. ^ The results of this study demonstrate the power of societal forces over formal authority in making curriculum policy decisions. ^

Politics and prayer in West Perrine, Florida: Civic social capital and the black church

This thesis traces the mechanisms and sources responsible for the generation of civic social capital (a set of shared norms and values that promote cooperation between groups, enabling them to participate in the political process) by black churches in West Perrine, Florida. Data for this thesis includes over fifty interviews and participant observations, archival records, newspaper articles, and scholarly journals. ^ Despite the institutional racism of the first half of the twentieth century, many blacks and whites in Perrine developed levels of trust significant enough to form an integrated local governing body, evidence of high levels of csc. At mid-century, when black and white interactions ceased, Perrine's csc decreased, leading to the deterioration of Perrine's social and physical conditions. Perrine's csc increased in the 1980s by way of broad-based coalitions as Perrine's churches invested their csc in an effort to eradicate crime, clean up its neighborhood, and win back its youth. ^

Ethnic groups and institutions: A study of institutional engineering in four Central and Eastern European countries

The issue of institutional engineering has gained a renewed interest with the democratic transitions of the Central and Eastern European countries, as for some states it has become a matter of state survival. The four countries examined in the study – Macedonia, Slovakia, Romania and Bulgaria – exemplify the difficulty in establishing a stable democratic society in the context of the resurgence of national identity. The success of ethnonational minorities in achieving the desired policies affirming or expanding their rights as a group was conditioned upon the cohesion of the minority as well as the permissiveness of state institutions in terms of participation and representation of minority members. The Hungarian minorities in Slovakia and Romania, the Turkish minority in Bulgaria, and the Albanian minority in Macedonia, formed their political organizations to represent their interests. However, in some cases the divergence of strategies or goals between factions of the minority group seriously impeded its ability to obtain the desired concessions from the majority. The difficulty in the pursuit of policies favoring the expansion of minority rights was further exacerbated in some of the cases by the impermissiveness of political institutions. The political parties representing the interest of ethnonational minorities were allowed to participate in elections, although not without suspicions about their intent and even strong opposition from majority groups, but participation in elections and subsequent representation in legislative bodies did not translate into adoption of the desired policies. The ethnonational minorities' inability to effectively influence the decision-making process was the result of the inadequacy of democratic institutions to process these demands and channel them through the normal political process in the absence of majority desire to accommodate them. Despite the promise of democratic institutions to bring about a major overhaul of the policies of forceful assimilation and disregard for minority rights, the four cases analyzed in the study demonstrate that in effect ethnonational minorities continued to be at the mercy of the majority, especially if the minority was unable to position itself as a balancing actor.

Turkey and neo-Ottomanism: Domestic sources, dynamics and foreign policy

This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party ( Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat ), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah ( Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.

Turkey and Neo-Ottomanism: Domestic Sources, Dynamics and Foreign Policy

This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah (Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.

O programa de aquisição de alimentos (PAA) e as transformações socioterritoriais no Rio Grande do Norte

The Acquisition Food Program (Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos – PAA) is one of the governmental public politics proposed, in the year of 2003, that has the focus in the family-run farm in Brazil. This Program has as objectives: commercialize the familyrun farm products, bought by the government agencies; to encourage production, and promoting actions that improve quality food of people facing starving risk. This Program has been working, to some extent, as complement to the Program of family-run farm Enhancement (PRONAF). The present study has as its focus to analyse the social territorials changes observed in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, as a result of the PAA implementation. In this sense, it was promoted a discussion between territory and rules. I this work, public politics are understood as rules. This procedure was important in order to understand how the rules have influenced territorial changes, creating new social and territorial relations. In the research process was used scientific and institutional texts on the subject. It was applied a quiz with 97 PAA’s supplying farmers, and interviews were done with the Program managers in Federal (MDA), State (CONAB and EMATER) and municipal (local office of EMATER and Departments of Agriculture) levels. Social public politics were also analyzed with the aim of understand the context where PAA is situated in relation with the public politics directed to familyrun farm as a whole since 1980, within new Brazilian democratization process. With the information collected in the field, plus the secondary data, maps, charts, tables and cartograms were made. With all of this, a socio-economical profile of the family-run farm in the Rio Grande do Norte was traced, as well as the included in this research. Before this picture, we concluded that PAA indeed represents a forward in public politics directed to family-run farm. However, in spite of the importance of the Program for the family-run farmers to come of age, but in order to the rural and family-run farm reality in the Rio Grande do Norte come to present meaningful changes much still remain to be done.

O nascimento de uma política pública: das articulações à formulação do PRONERA

This work aims at reconstructing the formulation process of PRONERA (National Program of Education in Agrarian Reform). A public policy that had its first ideas conceived within social movements and afterwards, made possible by diligences of then government. Therefore, the Program was rendered in a partnership among State, social movement, public institutions, and non-governmental organizations. As a goal, we intend to grasp both what motivated the choice for this proposal as a strategy to face educational problems in rural areas and how the actors, entities involved in this enterprise and the social-political context have influenced its formulation and entry in the governmental agenda as Public Policy. Thus, we reconstruct the history and education policy of and in rural areas. Besides, we seek to understand the context of PRONERA's conception, the factors that have influenced its creation and the actors' performances in the process. It is assumed that under the 1988 Constitution, civil society was provided with legal conditions for the active participation in political process and, consequently, in the public policy-making. We conclude, then, that PRONERA was the result of the crossing of three different flows (problems, solutions and policies) advocated by the Kingdon model. As a result, this analytical repertoire was useful to explain PRONERA’s entry in the government agenda, helping to understand how the chances of this social demand increased with an action from the politic community. It allowed its way in the government agenda as well as its becoming a public policy.

A concepção de trabalho escolar a partir de Maurício Tragtenberg: fios e tramas de debate na (des)politização dos sujeitos sociais

This thesis, part of the research line "Work, Society and Education" analyzes, in a dialectical perspective, in the light of Tragtenberg´s studies, the conception of subject of schoolwork, considering the organization and the complexity of this context and inviting the investigative gaze. Our hypothesis is that the workers of education have, in the schoolwork, a fragile politicization field and overcoming the installed model, accepting themselves as executers with self-organizing difficulties, distanced from the effective participation, autonomy and self-management. We consider studies on the logic of the work, believing that the understanding of schoolwork is constitute into the current societal model, in whom its bureaucratic and hierarchical matrix, linked to articulated / articulators of the dominant socio-economic class interests. Scholars such as Braverman, Frigotto and Tragtenberg, among others, are important contributions to this reflection. We have analyzed the logic of the work also in dialogue with pedagogies differentiated, among them, the Libertarian defended by Tragtenberg, aiming to understand the conceptions and practices of the subjects involved. We accomplished a bibliographical critical analysis, in a dialectical character, focusing on the categories: work, schoolwork, control, autonomy and self-management, in order to understand the complexity of the praxis in study, dialoguing with the pillars categories historicity, contradiction and totality, which transversalize the developed analysis. The consideration of these concepts allows us to uncover the dominant bureaucratic structure and its possible overcoming fields. We believe contribute to problematizing and proposers studies, reflections and discussions, strengthening debates, deconstructing naturalizations and contributing to the political process of the subjects.

QUALIDADE DE VIDA – UM ESTUDO REALIZADO COM DIRETORES DE ESCOLAS PÚBLICAS

A estrutura política e econômica brasileira promove uma sociedade marcada por desigualdades sociais, gerando indignações e diversos conflitos. Estresse, ansiedade, depressão, mal estar profissional, infraestrutura precária, alimentação inadequada, sedentarismo, (i)mobilidade urbana, fragilidade dos vínculos sociais, poluição, dentre outros, são fatores contemporâneos que afetam a qualidade de vida dos seres humanos. Este cenário merece atenção peculiar quando nos remetemos ao ambiente escolar. Este estudo teve por objetivo avaliar a qualidade de vida bem como identificar o grau de estresse percebido em diretores de Escolas Municipais de Educação Infantil (EMEIs) na Cidade de São Paulo. Participaram do estudo 86 Diretores de Escolas, correspondendo a 16,04% do total de diretores de EMEIs da Rede Municipal de Educação (RME). Os instrumentos utilizados foram: Questionário sociodemográfico, Instrumento de Avaliação de Qualidade de Vida-abreviado - WHOQOL-bref e a Escala de Estresse Percebido – PSS. Os resultados revelaram que, em média, 70,9% possuem uma excessiva rotina de trabalho, caracterizadas por: chegar mais cedo e/ou sair mais tarde do expediente normal; receber e/ou fazer ligações, mensagens, e-mails ou similares, relacionados à direção, fora do expediente de trabalho e levar serviços para casa e/ou se preocupar com questões relativas à direção, após encerrar o expediente. A maioria (60,05%) acredita que as condições de trabalho, enquanto Diretor de Escola influenciam negativamente na saúde pessoal. Tanto o índice geral da Qualidade de Vida quanto em relação aos domínios do WHOQOL-bref mostraram médias significativamente abaixo dos dados normativos brasileiros 12,7±3,1 (p<0,001). Quanto ao nível de estresse percebido, inicialmente analisamos as frequências referentes aos respectivos níveis. Os resultados mostraram que o nível de estresse percebido se situa entre 48,8% de “às vezes” para 41,9% de “quase sempre”. Este resultado se apresenta estatisticamente significativo (χ2 p<0,05). Com base neste estudo pudemos observar a escassez de estudos sobre QV e estresse com Diretores de Escolas e que a QV se apresentou significativamente baixa, bem como a percepção de estresse em quase metade da amostra estudada.

Is social partnership the way forward for Indian trade unions? Evidence from public services in India

Trade unions in India find themselves excluded from the political process and marginalized in collective bargaining in the post economic reforms period since 1991. Influential policy analysts and academics alike have called upon Indian trade unions to engage in social partnership with employers as a route to regain influence and protect workers’ interests. Using survey and interview data from two large national trade union federations in Maharashtra India, this article examines whether social partnership is a viable option for Indian trade unions as an industrial relations approach. Findings indicate that despite a supportive labour regulatory framework which in theory should facilitate cooperative industrial relations, the ground realities of workplace employment relations coupled with state indifference and judicial interventions weakens labour’s prospects for meaningful social partnership.

Tierra y revolución : La campaña salteña en las primeras décadas del siglo XIX

La formación de la Junta de Gobierno en Buenos Aires en 1810 dio inicio a un proceso político que adquirió derroteros diversos en el interior del extenso territorio perteneciente al Virreinato del Río de la Plata. Al igual que en las provincias del Alto Perú, la jurisdicción de Salta fue escenario de una guerra de recursos de la cual participó la población rural integrando las milicias provinciales o "Escuadrones Gauchos". Interesa entonces observar en qué medida el conflicto bélico agudizó y puso en evidencia las tensiones existentes por los derechos de propiedad y usufructo de la tierra ya manifestadas a fines del siglo XVIII, particularmente en el valle de Lerma, y su incidencia en las disputas en torno a la tierra que tuvieron lugar luego de concluida la guerra en la provincia de Salta.

Tierra y revolución : La campaña salteña en las primeras décadas del siglo XIX

La formación de la Junta de Gobierno en Buenos Aires en 1810 dio inicio a un proceso político que adquirió derroteros diversos en el interior del extenso territorio perteneciente al Virreinato del Río de la Plata. Al igual que en las provincias del Alto Perú, la jurisdicción de Salta fue escenario de una guerra de recursos de la cual participó la población rural integrando las milicias provinciales o "Escuadrones Gauchos". Interesa entonces observar en qué medida el conflicto bélico agudizó y puso en evidencia las tensiones existentes por los derechos de propiedad y usufructo de la tierra ya manifestadas a fines del siglo XVIII, particularmente en el valle de Lerma, y su incidencia en las disputas en torno a la tierra que tuvieron lugar luego de concluida la guerra en la provincia de Salta.

Tierra y revolución : La campaña salteña en las primeras décadas del siglo XIX

La formación de la Junta de Gobierno en Buenos Aires en 1810 dio inicio a un proceso político que adquirió derroteros diversos en el interior del extenso territorio perteneciente al Virreinato del Río de la Plata. Al igual que en las provincias del Alto Perú, la jurisdicción de Salta fue escenario de una guerra de recursos de la cual participó la población rural integrando las milicias provinciales o "Escuadrones Gauchos". Interesa entonces observar en qué medida el conflicto bélico agudizó y puso en evidencia las tensiones existentes por los derechos de propiedad y usufructo de la tierra ya manifestadas a fines del siglo XVIII, particularmente en el valle de Lerma, y su incidencia en las disputas en torno a la tierra que tuvieron lugar luego de concluida la guerra en la provincia de Salta.

El concepto de ciudadanía en la obra de Dominique Schnapper: entre el tipo ideal sociológico y el ideal de sociedad democrática

Este artículo analiza la evolución del concepto de ciudadanía en la obra de Dominique Schnapper como uno de los ejemplos más destacados en la sociología contemporánea de una aproximación completa a la cuestión. A través de un recorrido exhaustivo por su obra, el objetivo es profundizar en la comprensión de la tensión entre la dinámica democrática y la idea de ciudadanía en cuanto que tipo ideal del vínculo social y como principio regulador de las sociedades democráticas. La autora propone en sus primeros trabajos una noción de ciudadanía vinculada al proceso político de construcción de la nación que no distingue entre la definición de un tipo ideal sociológico y la construcción de un ideal de sociedad. Esta confusión se corrige al introducir posteriormente en el análisis la incidencia de la democracia sobre las experiencias individuales de la ciudadanía, aportando una perspectiva de análisis de gran utilidad tanto para la comprensión de la dinámica contemporánea de las sociedades democráticas como para la necesaria defensa de la ciudadanía como vínculo social fundamental y como principio fundador de la legitimidad política.

From Pro-Franco to Anti-Government. The Evolution of the "Sur" regarding National Politics during the Spanish Transition (1975-1978)

The Spanish transition, the political process through which Spain ceased to be a dictatorship to become a democracy, was accompanied by the dissolution of the National Movement, the institutional support for the chain of the Movement Press from its beginnings, in April 1977. This fact, among others, contributed to the /Sur/, the regional reference newspaper for the chain in Andalusia, evolving both structurally and ideologically to adapt itself to the new political regime. This study applies content analysis to editorials, articles and columns published by the newspaper between 1975 and 1978, exploring the process through which the regional newspaper edited in Málaga abandoned its propaganda function with regard to the Government, considering it undemocratic, and supported the PSOE, presenting it as the best alternative to the UCD in the Spanish Executive, thus taking on its role as a political agent.