524 resultados para Apostolic constitutions.


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Las recientemente promulgadas constituciones ecuatoriana y boliviana imponen nuevos paradigmas en lo que concierne a la interpretación y aplicación de los derechos fundamentales, y como no podía ser de otra manera, lo hacen igualmente con respecto a las garantías que los tutelan. Este artículo analiza las tensiones que se generan en la denominada aplicación directa de la Constitución y sus significaciones en el plano operativo (obligaciones para jueces y demás autoridades y funcionarios públicos), realiza un estudio de las garantías jurisdiccionales en Ecuador en comparación con las previstas en Bolivia, y advierte de los peligros que implica una interpretación errada de la naturaleza de estas acciones.

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Este artículo plantea cómo las juntas de gobierno establecidas en el Nuevo Reino de Granada (Colombia), desengañadas por la posición de las Cortes de Cádiz frente a la representación y las aspiraciones criollas, y al mismo tiempo recelosas de las pretensiones hegemónicas de la capital virreinal, optaron por desarrollar un temprano y disperso proceso constituyente que dio origen a varias constituciones que antecedieron en el tiempo, y en más de una ocasión superaron en su concepción de la ciudadanía, el Estado y la sociedad a la Constitución de Cádiz en marzo de 1812.

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El debate sobre el modelo civilizatorio de la modernidad de Occidente, con su economía concentradora y excluyente, y su matriz económico energética petrolera y extractivista no sustentable, ha reavivado en los escenarios políticos y académicos de la salud la discusión de la propuesta del buen vivir inscrita en las nuevas constituciones de Bolivia y Ecuador. Ante la crisis social, sanitaria y ambiental producida por la imposición de una economía de la muerte, y la consiguiente multiplicación de modos de vivir malsanos, se discuten aquí las tesis de Bolívar Echeverría sobre la base material de la vida y la cultura, como una herramienta para evaluar históricamente los desempeños de los gobiernos de las izquierdas realmente existentes, y trabajar un modelo de transición histórica y el indispensable remozamiento de la conciencia crítica desde una visión radicalmente renovadora, pero que mire la realidad sin dogmatismo, sin estridencias míticas y con un sentido de profunda autocrítica.

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El artículo analiza los requisitos para ser ciudadano con base en la comparación de las constituciones emitidas entre 1812 y 1830 en Ecuador. Se observa cómo los actores locales recibieron e interpretaron estos artículos y se enfatiza en el examen de cómo los indígenas reclamaron los derechos ciudadanos, así como los procesos de negociación en la participación política de los grupos étnicos. Además, se examinan los discursos sobre el derecho a la ciudadanía y las estrategias de argumentación usadas por los actores locales, de acuerdo a algunos casos de la Sierra ecuatoriana.

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El debate sobre el modelo civilizatorio de la modernidad de Occidente, consu economía concentradora y excluyente, y su matriz económico energética petrolera y extractivista no sustentable, ha reavivado en los escenarios políticos y académicos de la salud la discusión de la propuesta del buen vivir inscrita en las nuevas constituciones de Bolivia y Ecuador. Ante la crisis social, sanitaria y ambiental producida por la imposición de una economía de la muerte, y la consiguiente multiplicación de modos de vivir malsanos, se discuten aquí las tesis de Bolívar Echeverría sobre la base material de la vida y la cultura, como una herramienta para evaluar históricamente los desempeños de los gobiernos de las izquierdas realmente existentes, y trabajar un modelo de transición histórica y el indispensable remozamiento de la conciencia crítica desde una visión radicalmente renovadora, pero que mire la realidad sin dogmatismo, sin estridencias míticas y con un sentido de profunda autocrítica.

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Este trabajo propone una perspectiva del principio de separación de poderes con base en la relación objetiva que surge del control financiero ex post a cargo del Legislativo, sin excluir la relación subjetiva entre los poderes públicos y de estos con las instituciones encargadas de ese control, conocidas como entidades fiscalizadoras superiores. El análisis parte del diseño que las constituciones políticas establecen para esos órganos fiscalizadores, utilizando el caso de México y comparándolo con otros nueve países.

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The emergence of social action amid governance is relatively new, but has been cases and situations even in earlier centuries than the 20th century. The presence, however, of a permanent social action in the State as a regular form of action public institutions, further established in republican constitutions in Latin America, is a significant novelty in the exercise of public administration. This research deals with the analysis of this reality, still incipient, and the implications of the permanent presence of the society in the state function. A reference framework for treating relationship between society and State involvement in a deep dimension is no stranger to the analysis of ideologies, agencies, interests and policy management dimension. This study analyzes the current situation of this participation in the State, in the case of Ecuador, with some references with other countries in the region. The study concludes that this participation is still incipient, amid a complex dialectic of stakeholders. Finally research makes some proposals to operationalize such participation and make it real, deep and continuous.

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Although the medieval papacy's stance towards the Jews is a well-established area of research, Jewish ideas about the papacy remain a surprisingly underdeveloped historical topic. This article explores such ideas through the genre of polemic and disputational literature. Jewish writers were keen to ensure the safety of their communities in western Europe and grateful for statements of papal protection. They fully acknowledged that popes had always played and would continue to play an important role in safeguarding their well-being and determining their future. Yet although contemporary and later writers often valued papal protection more highly than that of monarchs, emperors or clergy, they also knew that it had its carefully circumscribed limits. Furthermore, although they were respectful of the papacy's power, both spiritual and temporal, they were dismissive of the scriptural and theological formulations on which Christian claims for apostolic authority rested and highly critical of Christian beliefs about the papacy, in particular that of apostolic succession. Jewish ideas about both individual popes and the medieval papacy as an institution are therefore nuanced and complex; they deserve rigorous and wide-ranging investigation and it is hoped that this article will contribute to their better understanding.

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Historians of medicine, childhood, and paediatrics, have often assumed that early modern doctors neither treated children, nor adapted their medicines to suit the peculiar temperaments of the young. Through an examination of medical textbooks and doctors’ casebooks, this article refutes these assumptions. It argues that medical authors and practising doctors regularly treated children, and were careful to tailor their remedies to complement the distinctive constitutions of children. Thus, this article proposes that a concept of ‘children’s physic’ existed in early modern England: this term refers to the notion that children were physiologically distinct, requiring special medical care. Children’s physic was rooted in the ancient traditions of Hippocratic and Galenic medicine: it was the child’s humoral makeup that underpinned all medical ideas about children’s bodies, minds, diseases, and treatments. Children abounded in the humour blood, which made them humid and weak, and in need of medicines of a particularly gentle nature.

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Although women's land rights are often affirmed unequivocally in constitutions and international human rights conventions in many African countries, customary practices usually prevail on the ground and often deny women's land inheritance. Yet land inheritance often goes unnoticed in wider policy and development initiatives to promote women's equal access to land. This paper draws on feminist ethnographic research among the Serer ethnic group in two contrasting rural communities in Senegal. Through analysis of land governance, power relations and 'technologies of the self', this article shows how land inheritance rights are contingent on the specific effects of intersectionality in particular places. The contradictions of legal pluralism, greater adherence to Islam and decentralisation led to greater application of patrilineal inheritance practices. Gender, religion and ethnicity intersected with individuals' marital position, status, generation and socio-ecological change to constrain land inheritance rights for women, particularly daughters, and widows who had been in polygamous unions and who remarried. Although some women were aware that they were legally entitled to inherit a share of the land, they tended not to 'demand their rights'. In participatory workshops, micro-scale shifts in women's and men's positionings reveal a recognition of the gender discriminatory nature of customary and Islamic law and a desire to 'change with the times'. While the effects of 'reverse' discourses are ambiguous and potentially reinforce prevailing patriarchal power regimes, 'counter' discourses, which emerged in participatory spaces, may challenge customary practices and move closer to a rights-based approach to gender equality and women's land inheritance.

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While authoritarian presidents prevail under heavily president-oriented constitutions throughout the post-Soviet region, democracy along parliamentary lines triumphs in Central Europe. This article discusses the constitutional pattern among the post-communist countries on the basis of two general questions: First, how can we explain why strong presidential constitutions dominate throughout the post-Soviet region whereas constrained presidencies and governments anchored in parliament have become the prevailing option in Central Europe? Second, and interlinked with the first question, why have so many post-communist countries (in the post-Soviet region as well as in Central Europe) chosen neither parliamentarism nor presidentialism, but instead semi-presidential arrangements whereby a directly elected president is provided with considerable powers and coexists with a prime minister? The analysis indicates that both historical-institutional and actor-oriented factors are relevant here. Key factors have been regime transition, pre-communist era constitutions and leaders, as well as short-term economic and political considerations. With differing strengths and in partly different ways, these factors seem to have affected the actors’ preferences and final constitutional compromises.

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Why the Australian Constitution is irrelevant - while some aspects of the Constitution, such as the separation of powers doctrine, provide the prospect for a Constitution that is more committed to principles of relevance to the citizenry, consideration must be given to the role played by the Constitution in Australian society, and whether it is as important as it should be - effort spent interpreting many sections of the Constitution has been a waste of the High Court's time and energy - given that no important rights and duties are at stake, consistency should be the main objective for the Court in such cases - in the teaching of constitutional law, less time should be spent focusing on mechanistic case law - emphasis should be placed on the values and ideals that inform the content and development of constitutional principles.

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Photograph of the delegates of the 1891 Australasian Convention held in Sydney.

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Unlike the constitutions of many nations, such as the United States of America and the Republic of South Africa, the constitutions of the Australian States and Territories and the Commonwealth Constitution Act 1901 (UK) contain no bill of rights. Australia is the only western democracy without a federal bill of rights. The debate regarding the need for a bill of rights necessitates an understanding of what human rights the people of Australia already enjoy. If sufficient protection can be found in existing sources, does Australia really need a federal bill of rights? Opponents of a bill of rights state that we have sufficient protection from arbitrary government intervention in our personal affairs and thus a bill of rights is unnecessary. There are a number of potential sources of human rights in Australia that might provide the suggested existing protection, including the common law, specific domestic legislation, international law and constitutional law. Each of these sources of human rights has, however, important limitations. The focus of this article is on the inadequacy of the Australian constitutions as a source of purported protection. This in turn suggests that an alternative source of rights is needed - a federal bill of rights? In the course of this analysis the author makes suggestions for reform; specifically how a federal bill of rights may address the paucity of constitutional protection.

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The Victorian general election of 1859 occurred during a time of social transition and electoral reformation, which extended the vote to previously unrepresented adult males. Gold discoveries, including those on the Ovens, triggered the miners’ insistent demands for access to land and participation in the political process. The thesis identifies issues, which emerged during the election campaign on the Ovens goldfields, surrounding Beechworth. The struggle centred on the two Legislative Assembly seats for the Ovens and the one Legislative Council seat for the Murray District. Though the declared election issue was land reform, it concealed a range of underlying tensions, which divided the electorate along lines of nationality and religion. Complicating these tensions within the European community was the Chinese presence throughout the Ovens. The thesis suggests the historical memory of the French Revolution, the European Revolutions of 1848 and the Catholic versus Protestant revivals divided the Ovens goldfield community. The competing groups formed alliances; a Beechworth-centred grouping of traders, merchants and the Constitution’s editor, ensured the existing conservative agenda triumphed over those perceived radicals who sought reform. In the process the land hungry miners did not gain any political representation in the Legislative Assembly, while a prominent Catholic squatter who advocated limited land reform was defeated for the Legislative Council seat. Two daily Beechworth papers, Ovens and Murray Advertiser and its fierce competitor, the Constitution and Ovens Mining Intelligencer are the major primary sources for the thesis.