937 resultados para government agencies
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This study explores the interaction of expatriates in Qatar and their perception of their subordination. The study design included participant observation in an all female University and University housing as well as interviews with Qatari government agencies and ministries, expatriate embassies and expatriates. Semi-structured interviews were conducted across seven expatriate groups: domestic workers, unskilled laborers, semiskilled, professionals, housewives, second-generation expatriates with host country other than Qatar, second-generation expatriates with host country Qatar, and Gulf Cooperation Council citizens. Forty-two subjects completed the interview schedule while 87 interviews were incomplete. ^ Physical control of expatriates occurs through the Gulf practice of sponsorship (The Kafeel System), and local cultural and Islamic related controls intertwined with the Arab Code of honor. Interviews and observations revealed rankings of Arabs and foreigners which emphasize Qatari superiority such as tribal identity, moral ranking of female groups by dress, legal protection and power, sexual consideration and desexualization and salaries and job opportunities based on nationality and ethnicity. Individuals who desire to transcend boundaries into the Qatari realm through citizenship or marriage view Qataris as possessing the “image of the unlimited good” and have acquired Qatari social and cultural capital. Members from all expatriate groups engaged in various forms of resistance to labor and gender domination which ranged from forms of “exit,” expressing a hidden transcript in the privacy of their own group, disguised resistance in public, and occasionally, direct confrontation with the Qatari. Although the legal arena created the appearance that worker's needs were being addressed, laborers engaged in forms of “exit” to escape their oppression. Omani students in the hostel disguised their resistance by spreading gossip, nick-naming homosexual Qatari students at the University, acting out a skit depicting their exclusion from Qatari privilege, spreading rumors of impending freedom, and singing songs of despair in the courtyard. Other sites of resistance were expatriate embassies, the road, the newspaper and technology. This study emphasizes that blaming oppression of the expatriate worker on globalization is a simplistic view of oppression in the Gulf, and ignores complex issues within Qatari society and other Gulf States. Sponsorship, servitude, and gender segregation intersect in Qatar to create a system of segregation and domination of expatriates. ^
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This qualitative two-site case study examined the capacity building practices that Children’s Services Councils (CSCs), independent units of local government, provide to nonprofit organizations (NPOs) contracted to deliver human services. The contracting literature is replete with recommendations for government to provide capacity building to contracted NPOs, yet there is a dearth of scholarship on this topic. The study’s purpose was to increase the understanding of capacity building provided in a local government contracting setting. Data collection consisted primarily of in-depth interviews and focus groups with 73 staff from two CSCs and 28 contracted NPOs. Interview data were supplemented by participant observation and review of secondary data. The study analyzed capacity building needs, practices, influencing factors, and outcomes. The study identified NPO capacity building needs in: documentation and reporting, financial management, program monitoring and evaluation, participant recruitment and retention, and program quality. Additionally, sixteen different types of CSC capacity building practices were identified. Results indicated that three major factors impacted CSC capacity building: CSC capacity building goals, the relationship between the CSC and NPOs, and the level of NPO participation. Study results also provided insight into the dynamics of the CSC capacity building process, including unique problems, challenges, and opportunities as well as necessary resources. The results indicated that the CSCs’ relational contracting approach facilitated CSC capacity building and that CSC contract managers were central players in the process. The study provided evidence that local government agencies can serve as effective builders of NPO capacity. Additionally, results indicated that much of what is known about capacity building can be applied in this previously unstudied capacity building setting. Finally, the study laid the groundwork for future development of a model for capacity building in a local government contracting setting.
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Partnerships between government and community-based actors and organizations are considered the hallmark of contemporary governance arrangements for the revitalization and gentrification of economically distressed, inner city areas. This dissertation uses historical, narrative analysis and ethnographic methods to examine the formation, evolution and operation of community-based governance partnerships in the production of gentrifiable urban space in the Wynwood neighborhood of Miami, FL between 1970 and 2010. This research is based on more than four years of participant observation, 60 in-depth interviews with respondents recruited through a purposive snowball sample, review of secondary and archival sources, and descriptive, statistical and GIS analysis. This study examines how different organizations formed in the neighborhood since the 1970s have facilitated the recent gentrification of Wynwood. It reveals specifically how partnerships between neighborhood-based government agencies, nonprofit organizations and real estate developers were constructed to be exclusionary and lead to inequitable economic development outcomes for Wynwood residents. The key factors conditioning these inequalities include both the rationalities of action of the organizations involved and the historical contexts in which their leaders’ thinking and actions were shaped. The historical contexts included the ethnic politics of organizational funding in the 1970s and the “entrepreneurial” turn of community-based economic development and Miami urban politics since the 1980s. Over time neighborhood organizations adopted highly pragmatic rationalities and repertoires of action. By the 2000s when Wynwood experienced unprecedented investment and redevelopment, the pragmatism of community-based organizations led them to become junior partners in governance arrangements and neighborhood activists were unable to directly challenge the inequitable processes and outcomes of gentrification.
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Latin America, a region rich in both energy resources and native heritage, faces a rising politico-social confrontation that has been growing for over two decades. While resources like oil and gas are exploited to enhance the state’s economic growth, indigenous groups feel threatened because the operations related to this exploitation are infringing on their homelands. Furthermore, they believe that the potential resource wealth found in these environmentally-sensitive regions is provoking an “intrusion” in their ancestral territory of either government agencies or corporations allowed by governmental decree. Indigenous groups, which have achieved greater political voice over the past decade, are protesting against government violations. These protests have reached the media and received international attention, leading the discourse on topics such as civil and human rights violations. When this happens, the State finds itself “between a rock and a hard place”: In a debate between indigenous groups’ rights and economic sustainability.
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In the 1980s, government agencies sought to utilize research on drug use prevention to design media campaigns. Enlisting the assistance of the national media, several campaigns were designed and initiated to bring anti-drug use messages to adolescents in the form of public service advertising. This research explores the sources of information selected by adolescents in grades 7 through 12 and how the selection of media and other sources of information relate to drug use behavior and attitudes and perceptions related to risk/harm and disapproval of friends' drug-using activities.^ Data collected from 1989 to 1992 in the Miami Coalition School Survey provided a random selection of secondary school studies. The responses of these students were analyzed using multivariate statistical techniques.^ Although many of the students selected media as the source for most of their information on the effects of drugs on the people who use them, the selection of media was found to be positively related to alcohol use and negatively related to marijuana use. The selection of friends, brothers, or sisters was a statistically significant source for adolescents who smoke cigarettes, use alcohol or marijuana.^ The results indicate that the anti-drug use messages received by students may be canceled out by media messages perceived to advocate substance use and that a more persuasive source of information for adolescents may be friends and siblings. As federal reports suggest that the economic costs of drug abuse will reach an estimated $150 billion by 1997 if current trends continue, prevention policy that addresses the glamorization of substance use remains a national priority. Additionally, programs that advocate prevention within the peer cluster must be supported, as peers are an influential source for both inspiring and possibly preventing drug use behavior. ^
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Florida citrus represents approximately 70 percent of the industry production in the United States; therefore, any associated agricultural and industrial contamination is of concern and a focus of attention. The use of synthetic organic chemicals has become a farmer's necessity in order to supply consumers with high quality products, free of pest damage. However, industrial citrus wastes and chemical residual levels worry not only government agencies but also consumers since they indicate a serious habitat risk. This study assesses citrus industrial processes and the paths that chemical substances follow from the time the citrus seed is planted until consumers get a final product as either fresh fruit or processed product. The study is built on information from United States Environmental Protection Agency (US EPA) manuals, Dade County Environmental Resources Management (DERM) inspection records, United States Food and Drug Administration (US FDA) regulations, Florida standards, journal publications, and research reports. Pollution prevention (P2 or prevention-of-pollution) alternatives are identified; alternatives are proposed, evaluated, and included. Strategies are described and pollution prevention opportunities proposed to minimize citrus wastes generation, chemical residuals in products, their environmental impact and health risk aspects while maximizing product quality.
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The Acquisition Food Program (Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos – PAA) is one of the governmental public politics proposed, in the year of 2003, that has the focus in the family-run farm in Brazil. This Program has as objectives: commercialize the familyrun farm products, bought by the government agencies; to encourage production, and promoting actions that improve quality food of people facing starving risk. This Program has been working, to some extent, as complement to the Program of family-run farm Enhancement (PRONAF). The present study has as its focus to analyse the social territorials changes observed in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, as a result of the PAA implementation. In this sense, it was promoted a discussion between territory and rules. I this work, public politics are understood as rules. This procedure was important in order to understand how the rules have influenced territorial changes, creating new social and territorial relations. In the research process was used scientific and institutional texts on the subject. It was applied a quiz with 97 PAA’s supplying farmers, and interviews were done with the Program managers in Federal (MDA), State (CONAB and EMATER) and municipal (local office of EMATER and Departments of Agriculture) levels. Social public politics were also analyzed with the aim of understand the context where PAA is situated in relation with the public politics directed to familyrun farm as a whole since 1980, within new Brazilian democratization process. With the information collected in the field, plus the secondary data, maps, charts, tables and cartograms were made. With all of this, a socio-economical profile of the family-run farm in the Rio Grande do Norte was traced, as well as the included in this research. Before this picture, we concluded that PAA indeed represents a forward in public politics directed to family-run farm. However, in spite of the importance of the Program for the family-run farmers to come of age, but in order to the rural and family-run farm reality in the Rio Grande do Norte come to present meaningful changes much still remain to be done.
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Acknowledgements This study was possible by partial financial support from the following Brazilian government agencies: CNPq, CAPES, and FAPESP (2011/19296-1 and 2015/07311-7). We also wish thank Newton Fund and COFAP.
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Marine Areas for Responsible Artisanal Fishing (AMPR) have emerged as a new model for co-managing small-scale fisheries in Costa Rica, one that involves collaboration between fishers, government agencies and NGOs. This thesis aims to examine the context for collective action and co-management by small-scale fishers; evaluate the design, implementation, and enforcement of AMPRs; and conduct a linguistic analysis of fisheries legislation. The present work relies on the analysis of several types of qualitative data, including interviews with 23 key informants, rapid rural assessments, and legal documents. Findings demonstrate the strong influence of economic factors for sustaining collective action, as well as the importance of certain types of external organizations for community development and co-management. Additionally, significant enforcement gaps and institutional deficiencies were identified in the work of regulating agencies. Legal analysis suggests that mechanisms for government accountability are unavailable and that legal discourse reflects some of the most salient problems in management.
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The purpose of this research is to study the commercialization of Fairtrade and Organic coffee in the Bolivia. Fairtrade and Organic coffee are alternative trade systems designed to promote the equitable and environmentally sustainable production of coffee. However, these alternative trading systems often fail to meet these goals. The producers and environment these systems are intended to protect remain marginalized. These failures are due to a number of local institutions. In order to better understand these institutions, this research conducted interviews of various stakeholders including producers, cooperative leaders, organic/Fair Trade certifiers, government agencies and private buyers. All these stakeholders influence the success of the alternative trade systems. By better understanding how these stakeholders impact the commercialization of coffee in Bolivia; new policies can be develop to improve the outcomes of alternative trade, to benefit both producers and the environment. This is especially critical in Bolivia because of the environmentally sensitive area in which coffee is grown, the potentially damaging impact of coca on the region and, the devastating economic impact to farmers.
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Chronic non-communicable diseases represent a major public health problem, requiring more effective investigation and control by government agencies. The aim of this study was to correlate the mortality rate for oral cancer in Brazilian State capitals from 1998 to 2002 with socioeconomic factors collected in the 2000 census, using an ecological study design. Data were obtained from the Mortality Information System from 1998 to 2002. Social factors were taken from the Brazilian Human Development Atlases. After data collection, statistical analysis was performed using Pearson's correlation index. The findings included positive and significant correlations among the socioeconomic indicators (Municipal Human Development Index - MHDI, MHDI-income, MHDI-education, MHDI-life expectancy, and per capita income), and negative and significant correlations with the socioeconomic indicators Gini Index and infant mortality. Despite the study’s limitations and probable underreporting in less developed State capitals, the study found significant statistic correlations between the selected socioeconomic indicators and the oral cancer mortality rate___________________________RESUMO As doenças crônico-degenerativas representam um grande problema de saúde pública, necessitando de levantamento e controle mais efetivos destas enfermidades por parte dos órgãos públicos. O objetivo deste estudo foi correlacionar os índices de mortalidade por câncer oral nas capitais do Brasil no período de 1998 a 2002 com indicadores sócio-econômicos do Censo Demográfico de 2000 , por meio de um estudo do tipo ecológico. Os dados foram extraídos do Sistema de Informação de Mortalidade (Ministério da Saúde/DATASUS), para os anos de 1998-2002. Os indicadores sócio-econômicos foram obtidos a partir do Atlas do Desenvolvimento Humano no Brasil. Após coleta dos dados, a análise estatística foi realizada usando-se o índice de correlação de Pearson. Observaram-se corre- lações positivas e significativas entre os indicadores sócio-econômicos (Índice de Desenvolvimento HumanoMunicipal – IDH-M, IDH-M renda, IDH-M educação, IDH-M longevidade e renda per capita), e correlação negativa e significante para os indicadores sócio-econômicos índice de Gini e mortalidade infantil. Apesar das limitações do estudo e da provável problemática de sub-registros nas capitais menos desenvolvidas, o presente trabalho encontrou correlações estatisticamente significantes entre os indicadores sócio-econômicos selecionados e o índice de mortalidade por câncer oral
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Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08
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The transformations economical, cultural and social that happen in world ambit they are associated to the intense progress and expansion of new technologies, forcing governments, people, companies and nations to the introduction of new patterns of behavior, forcing, in that way, to the continuous renewal of products and technological processes to maintain the competitiveness, so much among nations, as in the managerial world. In that matter, the technological innovation is recognized as basic factor of maintainable economical competitiveness, being the responsible for the breaking and/or improvement of the techniques and production processes, what presupposes the systematization varied institutional arrangements that they involve firms, interaction nets among companies, government agencies, universities, research institutes, laboratories of companies and scientists and engineers activities. Those arrangements, to the if they articulate with the educational system, with the industrial and managerial section and, also, with the financial institutions, they take the form that Freeman (1987) it coined of national system of innovation, promoted through public politics of CT&I, which seek to induce and to support innovative initiatives in the companies, as well as to establish demands and to prioritize vocations and regional potentialities. In that context of government support to the technological innovation interferes this study, that it looked for to know the reasons of the fragility innovative in the pharmaceutical industry of State of Pará in Brazil, pointed for PINTEC (2005), starting from the point of view of the businessmen of that section. For such, the qualitative approach was used - with interviews directing semi and the technique of the content analysis. The results of the research pointed that the fragilities innovative of the section links to the ignorance of the government support to the technological innovation on the part of the businessmen of the pharmaceutical industry of State of Pará in Brazil
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The governance of climate adaptation involves the collective efforts of multiple societal actors to address problems, or to reap the benefits, associated with impacts of climate change. Governing involves the creation of institutions, rules and organizations, and the selection of normative principles to guide problem solution and institution building. We argue that actors involved in governing climate change adaptation, as climate change governance regimes evolve, inevitably must engage in making choices, for instance on problem definitions, jurisdictional levels, on modes of governance and policy instruments, and on the timing of interventions. Yet little is known about how and why these choices are made in practice, and how such choices affect the outcomes of our efforts to govern adaptation. In this introduction we review the current state of evidence and the specific contribution of the articles published in this Special Feature, which are aimed at bringing greater clarity in these matters, and thereby informing both governance theory and practice. Collectively, the contributing papers suggest that the way issues are defined has important consequences for the support for governance interventions, and their effectiveness. The articles suggest that currently the emphasis in adaptation governance is on the local and regional levels, while underscoring the benefits of interventions and governance at higher jurisdictional levels in terms of visioning and scaling-up effective approaches. The articles suggest that there is a central role of government agencies in leading governance interventions to address spillover effects, to provide public goods, and to promote the long-term perspectives for planning. They highlight the issue of justice in the governance of adaptation showing how governance measures have wide distributional consequences, including the potential to amplify existing inequalities, access to resources, or generating new injustices through distribution of risks. For several of these findings, future research directions are suggested.