781 resultados para Venezuelan democratization


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Presenta las reseñas de los siguientes libros: Eduardo Pastrana Buelvas, Carsten Weyland y Juan Carlos Vargas Restrepo, edits., Vecindario agitado, Colombia y Venezuela: entre la hermandad y la conflictividad, Bogotá, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, 2008, 270 pp. -- Steve Ellner, Rethinking Venezuelan Politics: Class, Conflict, and the Chávez Phenomenon, Londres, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2008.

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En este artículo se analiza el diálogo que establecen las intelectuales latinoamericanas con la Historia oficial por medio de determinadas ficciones de archivo publicadas en la década de 1950. Al respecto, es importante tener en cuenta que tras la adquisición de derechos civiles por parte de las mujeres latinoamericanas en las décadas de 1930 y 1940 –cuando conquistaron el derecho al voto, ingresaron masivamente a las universidades y se erigieron como posibles representantes de los intereses públicos–, las intelectuales del continente demandaron la adscripción a alguna genealogía histórica que les proporcionara coherencia y profundidad identitaria. En muchas ocasiones debieron echar mano del discurso literario para negociar su existencia presente con el pasado histórico y ampliar los límites de la fundación continental con la visibilización de las voces y subjetividades femeninas. En este marco se publican los dos libros que componen el corpus: Manuela Sáenz, la divina loca (195?), de la venezolana Olga Briceño, y Amor y gloria: el romance de Manuela Sáenz y el Libertador Simón Bolívar (1952), de la peruana María Jesús Alvarado. Estas lecturas permitirán reflexionar en torno al proceso de historización de la alteridad demandado por las nuevas ciudadanas del continente, determinar sus alcances y la subjetividad resultante de este enfrentamiento.

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To gain a new perspective on the interaction of the Atlantic Ocean and the atmosphere, the relationship between the atmospheric and oceanic meridional energy transports is studied in a version of HadCM3, the U.K. Hadley Centre's coupled climate model. The correlation structure of the energy transports in the atmosphere and Atlantic Ocean as a function of latitude, and the cross correlation between the two systems are analyzed. The processes that give rise to the correlations are then elucidated using regression analyses. In northern midlatitudes, the interannual variability of the Atlantic Ocean energy transport is dominated by Ekman processes. Anticorrelated zonal winds in the subtropics and midlatitudes, particularly associated with the North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO), drive anticorrelated meridional Ekman transports. Variability in the atmospheric energy transport is associated with changes in the stationary waves, but is only weakly related to the NAO. Nevertheless, atmospheric driving of the oceanic Ekman transports is responsible for a bipolar pattern in the correlation between the atmosphere and Atlantic Ocean energy transports. In the Tropics, the interannual variability of the Atlantic Ocean energy transport is dominated by an adjustment of the tropical ocean to coastal upwelling induced along the Venezuelan coast by a strengthening of the easterly trade winds. Variability in the atmospheric energy transport is associated with a cross-equatorial meridional overturning circulation that is only weakly associated with variability in the trade winds along the Venezuelan coast. In consequence, there is only very limited correlation between the atmosphere and Atlantic Ocean energy transports in the Tropics of HadCM3

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Traditional approaches have conceptualized political regimes almost exclusively with reference to domestic-level political factors. However, many current and historical political regimes have entailed a major role for international actors, and in some cases the external influence has been so great that regimes have become internationalized. This article explores the concept of internationalized regimes and argues that they should be seen as a distinct form of hybrid regime type that demonstrates a distinct dimension of hybridity. Until now, regime hybridity has been conceived of along a single dimension of domestic politics: the level of competitiveness. Yet, some regimes are characterised by a different type of hybridity, in which domestic and international authority are found together within a single political system. The article explores the dynamics of internationalized regimes within three settings, those of international occupation, international administration and informal empire.

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This article contends that the papacy and ultramontane Catholicism played a pivotal role in the democratization of culture in Second Empire France. Drawing upon recent scholarship, which argues that religion played an important role in the constitution of mass democracies in modern Europe, this article revisits the pamphlet campaign led by Mgr Gaston de Ségur at the height of the Italian question in February 1860. Ségur made the most of the freedom of expression enjoyed by the Catholic Church in France in an attempt to direct Catholic opinion, and place pressure on the French government over its diplomatic relations with the pope. New archive material, notably Ségur’s correspondence with the leading Catholic journalist of the time, Louis Veuillot, sheds further light on Rome’s interventions in French culture and politics and its consequences. The article demonstrates that one of the most important, if unintended, results of the ultramontane campaign was to trigger reforms to the cultural sphere, and the granting of freedoms to their political enemies: the Republicans and freethinkers.

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In recent years, there has been an increasing emphasis on the participation of national actors in United Nations peace operations, reflecting what has become a near orthodox commitment to ‘local ownership.’ Advocates of local ownership assert that it: (1) increases the legitimacy of UN peacebuilding efforts; (2) increases the sustainability of peacebuilding activities after the departure of the UN; and (3) increases democratic governance in post-conflict states. While such thinking about local ownership has informed UN peacebuilding policy to a large extent, the UN has, to date, assumed these positive benefits without critically examining the causal mechanisms that allegedly produce them, specifying the conditions under which this correlation holds, or providing convincing evidence for these assertions. Moreover, exactly what local ownership is, what is being owned, and who local ‘owners’ are remain unclear. Indeed a closer examination of ownership’s relation with legitimacy, sustainability, and democratization reveal a plethora of contradictions that imply that local ownership may in fact decrease the UN’s ability to deliver peacekeeping results. Crucially, however, the UN persists in adopting a local ownership approach to peacebuilding, suggesting that it does so because it is normatively appropriate rather than operationally effective.

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Nowadays, the western societies are based on parliamentary democracy. Therefore, weak legislative power of the European Parliament is alleged for the democratic deficit in the EU. How it can be possible that the parliamentary democracy which is practiced on the national level can be achieved beyond the nation-states without diminishing the democracy at the nation-states? If not, how legitimacy can be obtained so that the continued existence and expansion of the EU should be justified? Since expectations for democratization of the EU are still unmet, finding answers to the actual questions is a great appeal. The thesis will explore the fundamental debates and arguments contributing to the democracy in the EU through the parliaments. I will try to reflect to the different ways of thinking and the prospects of establishing parliamentary democracy beyond the nation states.

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Stolen elections are triggering events that overcome barriers to revolutionary action against electoral authoritarian regimes. They mobilize ordinary citizens, strengthen the opposition, and divide the regime. As neo-institutionalist theories of revolution suggest, the relative openness of electoral authoritarianism inhibits mass protest. But when elections are stolen, regimes undergo “closure,” increasing the probability of protest. The failure of other potential revolutionary precipitants underlines that stolen elections are not merely replaceable final straws. Stolen elections have not only been crucial for the emergence of revolutionary situations, they have shaped outcomes as well. Linking popular mobilization to fraudulent elections has become part of the repertoire of contention of democratic revolutionaries.

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The emergence of social movements’ global politics Globalization not only transforms capital, media and technology, but also creates conditions for global politics, beyond ”international politics”. New transnational public arenas emerge, where a broad range of actors articulate demands and interests. A globalized political infrastructure arise from the combination of the (1) internal transnational mobilization within two opposing global networks: movements’ World Social Forum and political economy elites’ World Economic Forum; and a global connection with (2) regular dramatic street protests during multilateral regime summits; and (3) a permanent and virtual network of information communication technology that enables new forms of action, organization and mobilization. Together these arenas make participatory and global politics possible for social movements. Regime confrontations are formed by the new global media of ICT in a way that transforms the struggle into a political drama, where activists’ diversity of tactics – The Majority Drama, The Carnival, and The David-Goliath Drama – creates both competition and collaboration. These arenas are only emerging and this new form of global political structure creates both possibilities and problems. Still, a unique potential to democratize politics is created.

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Ukraine has repeatedly shifted between the two sub-types of semi-presidentialism, i.e. between premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. The aim of this article is to discuss to what extent theoretical arguments against premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems are relevant for understanding the shifting directions of the Ukrainian regime. As a point of departure, I formulate three main claims from the literature: 1) “President-parliamentarism is less conducive to democratization than premier-presidentialism.”; 2) “Semi-presidentialism in both its variants have built-in incitements for intra-executive conflict between the president and the prime minister.”; 3) “Semi-presidentialism in general, and president-parliamentarism in particular, encourages presidentialization of political parties.” I conclude from the study’s empirical overview that the president-parliamentary system– the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratization – has been instrumental in strengthening presidential dominance and authoritarian tendencies. The premier-presidential period 2006–2010 was by no means smooth and stable, but the presidential dominance weakened and the survival of the government was firmly anchored in the parliament. During this period, there were also indications of a gradual strengthening of institutional capacity among the main political parties and the parliament began to emerge as a significant political arena.

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Uma grande evolução aconteceu no mundo com o surgimento da Internet. Ela causou um espantoso aumento das comunicações, que passaram a ser em tempo real e com uma abrangência mundial. Foi a democratização da informação. A Internet serve como uma grande ferramenta para as empresas, principalmente com a globalização dos mercados, fenômeno que cresce cada dia mais e atinge a todos. A globalização fez com que as organizações se tornassem globais, e a Internet funciona como um elo de ligação entre empresas, fornecedores e consumidores. Este trabalho consistiu na realização de uma pesquisa survey exploratória com o objetivo de verificar e descrever o uso potencial da Internet como ferramenta de auxílio à realização de negócios de caráter global, nas micro, pequenas e médias empresas de Porto Alegre. A amostra das empresas pesquisadas foi extraída do Trade Point Porto Alegre, por ser essa uma entidade que tem por objetivo auxiliar as empresas a realizarem operações globais. Com relação ao mercado global, o trabalho identificou que quase todas as empresas acreditam que ele tenha oportunidades de negócios. Os principais meios para entrar nesse mercado são a participação em feiras e rodadas de negócios, contato pessoal e o Trade Point. A Internet já está disseminada no meio empresarial, todas as empresas já a conhecem, e boa parte das empresas realizam operações que podem ser auxiliadas pela rede, como comunicação, promoção de produtos e acompanhamento pós-venda. Identificou-se que as microempresas são as que menos acreditam no mercado internacional, mas apontaram que a Internet pode ajudá-las em suas atividades. Já as pequenas empresas são as que atuam no mercado internacional e acreditam que a Internet possa ajudá-las em algumas atividades. Por fim, as médias empresas, também atuam no mercado internacional, principalmente com as exportações, e são as que já estão utilizando a Internet. O Trade Point se mostrou um serviço bem requisitado pelas empresas, principalmente as que atuam com o comércio internacional. As principais vantagens citadas foram a centralização de informações e a geração de novos negócios.

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This manuscript empirically assesses the effects of political institutions on economic growth. It analyzes how political institutions affect economic growth in different stages of democratization and economic development by means of dynamic panel estimation with interaction terms. The new empirical results obtained show that political institutions work as a substitute for democracy promoting economic growth. In other words, political institutions are important for increasing economic growth, mainly when democracy is not consolidated. Moreover, political institutions are extremely relevant to economic outcomes in periods of transition to democracy and in poor countries with high ethnical fractionalization.

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This study is a gathering and analysis of the main proposals and initiatives of Public Reform in Brazil, in a specific social area: the Education sector. The research considered the period that goes from the beginning of the 80's to the first half of the 90's, with special emphasis to the role of management in the sector's reform. The debate over the Education Reform was centered on the more general theories of the Government's reform, related on the one hand to the functions and size of Government, and on the other hand, to the management of the governmental policies. Two distinct moments were identified in the period considered, with respect to the role of Education and the priorities of the sector's reform. In a first moment, between the beginning of the 80's and the new Constitution, Education was seen as a citizen's right. In a second moment, the qualification for work was also added, as a condition for Brazil's entering a new international order. As to priorities, the emphasis was in the democratization of management and decision making processes, in the 80's. From the end of the decade on, and through the 90's, besides the democratization theme, emphasis was given to modernization of the decision making processes and management. The interaction between democratization and modernization became one of the biggest challenges for the sector's reform, and is a condition for Government to enhance quality and equity in education.

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Além de realizar um balanço da literatura internacional relativa a reformas econômicas em novas democracias e aos programas de ajuste fiscal, o presente projeto de pesquisa visa analisar as transformações ocorridas na área fiscal no Brasil ao longo das duas últimas décadas no contexto de constrangimentos econômicos internos e externos e da democratização política.