Minority Rights and Humanitarianism: The international campaign for the Ukrainians in Poland, 1930-31

In October 1930, violent action of the Polish security forces against the Ukrainian population in Eastern Galicia resulted in an international campaign for the Ukrainians in Poland. Its central claim was the condemnation of these incidents as a violation of the Minorities Treaty of the League of Nations. The article focuses on the involved British extra-parliamentary groups and their international federations as well as leftist intellectuals, socialist parties and the Labour and Socialist International. In most cases, the commitment of the activists was motivated by the desire to expose a humanitarian scandal while the implementation of minority rights played a minor role. When it turned out that the first reports had presented an exaggerated version of the events, they shifted their focus to the Polish opposition whose persecution started in November 1930.

In search of the "why" behind campaign professionalisation: explaining the degree and profile of campaign professionalisation by an empirical analysis of 23 Swiss cantonal election campaigns

Die Organisation und die strategische Kommunikation von Wahlkämpfen haben sich in den letzten Jahrzehnten in den meisten westeuropäischen Staaten gewandelt, so auch in der Schweiz. Die Kommunikationswissenschaft hat dafür den Begriff der „Professionalisierung“ geprägt und Eigenschaften zusammengetragen, die zu einem „professionalisierten“ Wahlkampf gehören – wie z.B. die Beauftragung von externen Expertinnen und Experten oder die direkte Ansprache von Wählerinnen und Wählern („narrowcasting“). Welche Hintergründe diese Professionalisierung aber hat und wie das Phänomen nicht nur praktisch zu beschreiben, sondern auch theoretisch zu begründen ist, wurde bisher kaum diskutiert. Hier setzt die vorliegende Dissertation an. Basierend auf einer Analyse von 23 Wahlkämpfen aus den Kantonen Aargau, Appenzell Ausserrhoden, Bern, Neuchâtel und Zürich mithilfe der Methode Fuzzy Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) kommt sie zum Schluss, dass die Professionalisierung der Wahlkämpfe vor dem theoretischen Hintergrund des soziologischen Neo-Institutionalismus als Anpassung von Wahlkämpfen an sich verändernde Bedingungen, Erwartungen und Anforderungen in den wichtigsten Anspruchsgruppen oder „Umwelten“ für den Wahlkampf (Wählerinnen und Wähler, Mitglieder, Medien, andere Parteien) definiert werden kann. Daraus folgt, dass es nicht nur „die“ Professionalisierung gibt, sondern dass jeder Wahlkampf an jene Umwelten angepasst wird, wo diese Anpassung den Wahlkampfverantwortlichen am dringlichsten erscheint. Daher sollte Professionalisierung mit vier einzelnen Messinstrumenten bzw. Professionalisierungsindices – einem pro Umwelt – gemessen werden. Misst man Professionalisierung wie bisher üblich nur mit einem einzigen Messinstrument, gibt der resultierende Wert nur ein ungenaues Bild vom Grad der Professionalisierung des Wahlkampfs wieder und verschleiert, als Anpassung an welche Umwelt die Professionalisierung geschieht. Hat man ermittelt, wie professionalisiert ein Wahlkampf im Hinblick auf jede der vier relevantesten Umwelten ist, können dann auch zuverlässiger die Gründe analysiert werden, die zur jeweiligen Professionalisierung geführt haben. Die empirische Analyse der kantonalen Wahlkämpfe bestätigte, dass hinter der Professionalisierung in Bezug auf jede der vier Umwelten auch tatsächlich unterschiedliche Gründe stecken. Wahlkämpfe werden in Bezug auf die Ansprache der Wähler angepasst („professionalisiert“), wenn sie in urbanen Kontexten stattfinden. Den Wahlkampf im Hinblick auf die Mitglieder zu professionalisieren ist besonders wichtig, wenn die Konkurrenz zwischen den Parteien gross ist oder wenn eine Ansprache der Gesamtwählerschaft für eine Partei wenig gewinnbringend erscheint. Die Professionalisierung des Wahlkampfes in Bezug auf die Medien erfolgt dann, wenn er eine grosse, regional stark verteilte oder aber eine urbane Wählerschaft ansprechen muss. Für die Professionalisierung der Wahlkämpfe gegenüber anderen Parteien kann kein aussagekräftiger Schluss gezogen werden, da nur wenige der untersuchten Kantonalparteien ihre Wahlkämpfe überhaupt im Hinblick auf andere Parteien professionalisierten, indem sie die gegnerischen Wahlkämpfe beobachteten und den eigenen wenn nötig entsprechend anpassten.

From the Sea to Paris and back: On the interdependence of economic warfare, weather conditions and the submarine campaign 1916-1917

Starting of from Avner Offer’s comment that the First World War was not only a war of steel and gold, but also of bread and potatoes (1989: 1) and my own research on British as well as Australian preparations for economic warfare and based on sources from the entente as well as the central powers but also from the United States, Canada and Australia, may presentation will focus on the interdependence of the measures taken by entente as well as central power authorities in the second half of 1916. Already a year before both sides had become aware that this war would not only be decided on the battlefield, but that the issues of primary as well as secondary resources would be decisive. Accordingly measures that could strike the enemy in this field were discussed and put into place more and more and this at time, when weather conditions caused a reduction of harvest all over Europe, Northern America and Argentina.

Introduction to the Maïdo Lidar Calibration Campaign dedicated to the validation of upper air meteorological parameters

The first operations at the new High-altitude Maïdo Observatory at La Réunion began in 2013. The Maïdo Lidar Calibration Campaign (MALICCA) was organized there in April 2013 and has focused on the validation of the thermodynamic parameters (temperature, water vapor, and wind) measured with many instruments including the new very large lidar for water vapor and temperature profiles. The aim of this publication consists of providing an overview of the different instruments deployed during this campaign and their status, some of the targeted scientific questions and associated instrumental issues. Some specific detailed studies for some individual techniques were addressed elsewhere. This study shows that temperature profiles were obtained from the ground to the mesopause (80 km) thanks to the lidar and regular meteorological balloon-borne sondes with an overlap range showing good agreement. Water vapor is also monitored from the ground to the mesopause by using the Raman lidar and microwave techniques. Both techniques need to be pushed to their limit to reduce the missing range in the lower stratosphere. Total columns obtained from global positioning system or spectrometers are valuable for checking the calibration and ensuring vertical continuity. The lidar can also provide the vertical cloud structure that is a valuable complementary piece of information when investigating the water vapor cycle. Finally, wind vertical profiles, which were obtained from sondes, are now also retrieved at Maïdo from the newly implemented microwave technique and the lidar. Stable calibrations as well as a small-scale dynamical structure are required to monitor the thermodynamic state of the middle atmosphere, ensure validation of satellite sensors, study the transport of water vapor in the vicinity of the tropical tropopause and study their link with cirrus clouds and cyclones and the impact of small-scale dynamics (gravity waves) and their link with the mean state of the mesosphere.

Campaign strategies at the Swiss National Elections 2015: Nationalization, Coordination, and Personalization

This research note examines parties’ campaign strategies in the 2015 Swiss elections. We base our analyses on a collection of more than 5000 party advertisements, which were published in the forefront of the national elections in more than 50 daily and weekly national and cantonal print media. By comparing the amount of party and candidate ads, as well as the content and nature of the political advertisements, we explore the degree of professionalization of electoral campaigns in the most recent federal elections in terms of nationalization, coordination and personalization. First results show that although national campaign coordination exists, Swiss elections are to a considerable extent still cantonal and personal affairs.

'Choosing Wisely': a growing international campaign.

Much attention has been paid to the inappropriate underuse of tests and treatments but until recently little attention has focused on the overuse that does not add value for patients and may even cause harm. Choosing Wisely is a campaign to engage physicians and patients in conversations about unnecessary tests, treatments and procedures. The campaign began in the United States in 2012, in Canada in 2014 and now many countries around the world are adapting the campaign and implementing it. This article describes the present status of Choosing Wisely programs in 12 countries. It articulates key elements, a set of five principles, and describes the challenges countries face in the early phases of Choosing Wisely. These countries plan to continue collaboration including developing metrics to measure overuse.

Modeling a health promotion campaign process

In this work we will present a model that describes how the number of healthy and unhealthy subjects that belong to a cohort, changes through time when there are occurrences of health promotion campaigns aiming to change the undesirable behavior. This model also includes immigration and emigration components for each group and a component taking into account when a subject that used to perform a healthy behavior changes to perform the unhealthy behavior. We will express the model in terms of a bivariate probability generating function and in addition we will simulate the model. ^ An illustrative example on how to apply the model to the promotion of condom use among adolescents will be created and we will use it to compare the results obtained from the simulations and the results obtained by the probability generating function. ^

The Treatment Action Campaign's First Decade: Success Achieved?

South Africa is known to have the largest HIV epidemic in the world with 5.7 million people currently living with HIV, according to UNAIDS. In light of the crisis, South Africa's Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) has led the social movement for increased treatment access for people living with HIV through lobbying the government, multinational pharmaceutical companies, and grassroots campaigning. Since it's founding a decade ago, TAC has been highly acclaimed both regionally and internationally for its success. In order to determine the success of this social movement organization, social movement theories, such as mobilization potential, external political opportunity structure, and framing of the social context of issues will be examined. The assessment of TAC's success will be made based on two outcomes: political outcome and social/cultural outcome. The assessment of TAC's success, using this framework has shown that TAC is a successful social movement organization overall.

Malaboch or notes from my diary on the Boer Campaign of 1894 against the Chief Malaboch of Blaauwberg, district Zoutpansberg which is app. a synopsis of the Johannesburg crisis of 1896

by Colin Rae

Get ur 60: A social marketing campaign to promote and facilitate physical activity among Central Texas middle school students

If allowed to continue unabated, the obesity epidemic may lead to the first decline in life expectancy in the developed world (Olshansky et al., 2005). Similar to the relationship between smoking habits in youth and adulthood, obesogenic dietary and physical activity habits in childhood may persist into adulthood (Kelder et al., 2002). Teaching children how to establish healthy eating habits and activity levels, as well as providing them the necessary resources to internalize and maintain these behaviors, may be the key to curbing this epidemic.^ A school-based obesity prevention approach is advantageous for many reasons including exposure to large captive audiences, reduced costs of sustainability and long-term maintenance, and generalizability of models and results across multiple populations. The effectiveness of school-based programs has been researched over the past 20 years, with promising results.^ Social marketing is a program-planning process that “facilitates the acceptance, rejection, modification, abandonment, or maintenance of particular behaviors” (Grier & Bryant, 2005). Social marketing has been shown to be effective in a variety of public health applications including improving diet, increasing physical activity, and preventing substance abuse. It is hypothesized that social marketing could further enhance the effectiveness of the Coordinated Approach To Child Health (CATCH) Central Texas Middle School Project, a school-based obesity prevention program.^ The development, implementation, and initial evaluation of the get ur 60 campaign, to promote the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recommended sixty minutes of daily activity, is described in this paper. Various components of the get ur 60 campaign were assessed to evaluate the effectiveness of the campaign during the first semester of implementation. At the end of the spring semester focus groups were held to collect student reactions to the first semester of the get ur 60 campaign.^ The initial results from the first semester of get ur 60 have demonstrated that the campaign as designed was feasible to implement, accepted at all intervention schools, and resulted in a measure of success. ^

Campaign contributions to congressional candidates by the healthcare sector from 1990 to 2008

Stakeholder groups with special interests as donors to finance congressional campaigns have been a controversial issue in the United Sates. While previous studies concentrated on whether a connection existed between the campaign contributions provided by stakeholder groups and the voting behavior of congressional members, there is little evidence to show the trend of allocation of their campaign contributions to their favorite candidates during the elections. This issue has become increasingly important in the health sector since the health care reform bill was passed in early 2010.^ This study examined the long-term trend of campaign contributions offered by various top healthcare stakeholder groups to particular political parties (i.e. Democrat and Republican). The main focus of this paper was to observe and describe the financial donations provided by these healthcare stakeholder groups in the congressional election cycles from 1990 to 2008 in order to obtain an overview of their patterns of campaign contributions. Their contributing behaviors were characterized based on the campaign finance data collected by the Center for Responsive Politics (CRP). Specifically, I answered the questions: (1) to which political party did specific healthcare stakeholder groups give money and (2) what was the pattern of their campaign contributions from 1990 to 2008?^ The findings of my study revealed that the healthcare stakeholder groups had different political party preferences and partisanship orientations regarding the Democratic or Republican Party. These differences were obvious throughout the election cycles from 1990 to 2008 and their distinct patterns of financial contribution were evident across industries in the health sector as well. Among all the healthcare stakeholder groups in this study, physicians were the top contributors in the congressional election. The pharmaceutical industry was the only group where the majority of contribution funds were allocated to Republicans in every election period studied. This study found that no interest group has succeeded in electing the preferred congressional candidate by giving the majority of its financial support to the winning party in every election. Chiropractors, hospitals/nursing homes, and health services/HMOs performed better than other healthcare stakeholder groups by supporting the electoral winner 8 out of 9 election cycles.^