953 resultados para Brazil - Political history
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During the 1920s and 1930s, the Swedish right-wing party Allmänna valmansförbundet (AVF) made citizen into a key concept within their political vocabulary and practice. This thesis examines the distribution, meaning and function of the concept of citizen within the AVF between 1915 and 1936. By using theoretical and methodological perspectives from both the English (Skinner) and German (Koselleck) side of conceptual history vis-à-vis Begriffsgeschischte, this study illuminates how a discursive framework took place within the AVF and expanded throughout the organisation. The constitutional reforms 1918/1921 and the organisational strength from opposite parties, stressed the importance for the AVF to assemble the citizens around conservative value laden concepts: responsibility, ansvar, and public participation, offentlighet. This new situation in political and social life, pushed the AVF towards a reorganisation. The aim was to educate the masses, women and youth into conservative citizens. Citizen became the sole tool in (i) upholding the traditional heritage between folk–state, and (ii) enabling the AVF citizen discourse to spread throughout the society. This study shows the multiple meaning and functions of the citizen concept within the AVF. It provides a new understanding of how collective concepts became an important part of the struggle for power during the democratization process in Swedish political history and must in that respect be seen as an antithesis to the collective concepts of the Social Democratic Party during this period.
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Brazilian architecture was recognized because of the consecration of the icons of the Carioca and Paulista schools which are represented nationally and internationally by names like Niemeyer, Lucio Costa and Vilanova Artigas, among others. Because of this, classic studies dedicated to the Brazilian case look to present the Southeastern region with the title of father of modern Brazil, at the cost of subjugating various other modern movements and peripheral sayings, whether their values are known or forgotten. On the other hand, there has been an effort, in the sense of registering and analyzing these regional productions of modern Brazilian architecture, an assignment that DOCOMOMO Brasil participates firmly through initiatives like the creation of a Library to aid in the documentation and registration of modernity in Brazil. Inside this context of insertions of the National-Modern scheme, this work has as its objective to present modern potiguar (northern Brazil) architecture through its contemporary residential examples, investigating specifically its constructive, formal aspects, that together that together demonstrate one more architectural emphasis of modern Brazilian architecture: the potiguar. This way, by contributing to the work of the register and the documentation of the Modern Movement and attributing to the modern architecture of Natal it s real worth, we can say: Yes, we have modern architecture
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This study is dedicated to explain the extent to which political influence in the management of state-owned enterprises can be considered legitimate in the light of the fundamental right to good governance and corporate and public governance, for which was undertaken bibliographical and documentary research guided by the deductive method of work, in which were investigated and presented concepts and issues relating to the State, Government, politics, Public Administration, constitutional principles of Public Administration, the fundamental right to good administration, corporate and public governance and state enterprises. Based on the assumptions found in the works and consulted laws it was possible to conclude that the political influence in state-owned enterprises management can be considered legitimate in the light of the fundamental right to good governance if it promotes the public interest and the public purposes achievement, effectively, efficiently and if it preserves the citizens' rights and the principles and rules that make up the legal framework for public administration; and can be considered legitimate in the light of corporate and public governance to the extent that, in a transparent manner and according to the relevant rules, it seeks not the private benefit of politicians, but to promote the public interest or, in other words, the increase of public value produced by them, while protecting and guaranteeing the rights of its stakeholders and shareholders.
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Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa
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This dissertation addresses the broader antecedents of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) as one of a number of associations whose experience was central to Albanian political history. This long experience dates back to the informal national associations formed in the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century. The dissertation examines the role of these associations which, pursuing language rights and political representation through imperial state reforms, set a pattern that struggled to connect nation and state, rather than asserting the territorial demands for a nation-state familiar across the region. Starting out in the Ottoman Empire, but then maturing in the Albanian diaspora in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States, this dissertation shows politically significant processes of longer-term adaptation that created informal associations as institutional structures able to channel collective action. It then traces the reframing of these patterns through their destruction in the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the emergence of communist associations in the interwar period and beyond. This dissertation is a sustained study that traces long-term Ottoman imperial political legacies in the Albanian successor state. The story of the associations, based on hitherto unexamined archival documents, shows that the Albanians possessed a far greater capacity for political mobilization that previously acknowledged by historians. Moreover, the dissertation successfully challenges the conventional wisdom that portrays the Albanians as irreparably divided along sectarian and regional faultlines. It finds that Albanian national activism was civic in character rather than ethnic as elsewhere in the Balkans. The Albanians fought to remain within a multinational framework because this afforded them political security, social advancement and potential economic growth. In the late Ottoman period, this political objective was manifested in the acceptance of the supranational imperial order whereas during the Second World War, in the aspiration to become members of the Comintern internationalist movement. Another important find, is the newly-discovered evidence concerning the founding of the CPA and its wartime conduct as an organization created and led by the Albanians themselves, albeit with Yugoslav ideological assistance under the transnational umbrella of the Comintern.
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320 p.
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Brazilian architecture was recognized because of the consecration of the icons of the Carioca and Paulista schools which are represented nationally and internationally by names like Niemeyer, Lucio Costa and Vilanova Artigas, among others. Because of this, classic studies dedicated to the Brazilian case look to present the Southeastern region with the title of father of modern Brazil, at the cost of subjugating various other modern movements and peripheral sayings, whether their values are known or forgotten. On the other hand, there has been an effort, in the sense of registering and analyzing these regional productions of modern Brazilian architecture, an assignment that DOCOMOMO Brasil participates firmly through initiatives like the creation of a Library to aid in the documentation and registration of modernity in Brazil. Inside this context of insertions of the National-Modern scheme, this work has as its objective to present modern potiguar (northern Brazil) architecture through its contemporary residential examples, investigating specifically its constructive, formal aspects, that together that together demonstrate one more architectural emphasis of modern Brazilian architecture: the potiguar. This way, by contributing to the work of the register and the documentation of the Modern Movement and attributing to the modern architecture of Natal it s real worth, we can say: Yes, we have modern architecture
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A life of piracy offered marginal men a profession with a degree of autonomy, despite the brand of “outlaw” and the fear of prosecution. At various times throughout history, governments and crowned heads suspended much of their piracy prosecution, licensing men to work as “privateers” for the state, supplementing naval forces. This practice has a long history, but in sixteenth-century England, Elizabeth I (1558-1603) significantly altered this tradition. Recognizing her own weakness in effectively prosecuting these men and the profit they could contribute to the government, Elizabeth began incorporating pirates into the English naval corps in peacetime—not just in war. This practice increased English naval resources, income, and presence in the emerging Atlantic World, but also increased conflict with the powerful Spanish empire. By 1605, making peace with Spain, James VI/I (1603-1625) retracted Elizabeth’s privateering promotion, prompting an emigration of English seamen to the American outposts they had developed in the previous century. Now exiles, no longer beholden to the Crown, seamen reverted back to piracy. The Carolinas and Jamaica served as bases for these rover communities. In 1650, the revolutionary leader Oliver Cromwell (1649-1658) once again recognized the merits of such policies. Determined to demonstrate his authority and solidify his rule, Cromwell offered citizenship and state support to Caribbean exiles in exchange for their aiding of his navy in the taking of Spanish Jamaica. Official chartering of Port Royal, Jamaica served as reward for these men’s efforts and as the culmination of a century-long cycle of piracy legislation, creating one of England’s most lucrative colonies in the middle of a traditionally Spanish Caribbean empire. Through legal and diplomatic records, correspondence, and naval and demographic records from England and Spain, this dissertation explores early modern piracy/privateering policy and its impact on the development of the Atlantic World. European disputes and imperial competition converged in these piracy debates with significant consequences for the definitions of criminality and citizenship and for the development of Atlantic empire.
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The era between the close of the nineteenth century and the onset of the First World War witnessed a marked increase in radical agitation among Indian and Irish nationalists. The most outspoken political leaders of the day founded a series of widely circulated newspapers in India and Ireland, placing these editors in the enviable position of both reporting and creating the news. Nationalist journalists were in the vanguard of those pressing vocally for an independent India and Ireland, and together constituted an increasingly problematic contingent for the British Empire. The advanced-nationalist press in Ireland and the nationalist press in India took the lead in facilitating the exchange of provocative ideas—raising awareness of perceived imperial injustices, offering strategic advice, and cementing international solidarity. Irish and Indian press coverage of Britain’s imperial wars constituted one of the premier weapons in the nationalists’ arsenal, permitting them to build support for their ideology and forward their agenda in a manner both rapid and definitive. Directing their readers’ attention to conflicts overseas proved instructive in how the Empire dealt with those who resisted its policies, and also showcased how it conducted its affairs with its allies. As such, critical press coverage of the Boxer Rebellion, Boer War, Russo-Japanese War, and World War I bred disaffection for the Empire, while attempts by the Empire to suppress the critiques further alienated the public. This dissertation offers the first comparative analysis of the major nationalist press organs in India and Ireland, using the prism of war to illustrate the increasingly persuasive role of the press in promoting resistance to the Empire. It focuses on how the leading Indian and Irish editors not only fostered a nationalist agenda within their own countries, but also worked in concert to construct a global anti-imperialist platform. By highlighting the anti-imperial rhetoric of the nationalist press in India and Ireland and illuminating their strategies for attaining self-government, this study deepens understanding of the seeds of nationalism, making a contribution to comparative imperial scholarship, and demonstrating the power of the media to alter imperial dynamics and effect political change.
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ResumenEstudio histórico regional, en el cual se analiza la particularidad del pasado económico y político de la cuenca del río Chinchipe, demostrando que esta región ha sido, a lo largo de su historia, un objeto de contención política. La belicosa resistencia de la sociedad jíbara impuso condiciones particulares a las relaciones sociales de producción en esta zona de colonización agrícolaAbstractAnalysis of the economy and political history of Río Chinchipe Valley, and the reasons why this has been an area of political dispute. The Jíbaros`s bellicose resistence created especial conditions for the social relationship of production in this frontier area.
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Over the last 50 years a new research area, science education research, has arisen and undergone singular development worldwide. In the specific case of Brazil, research in science education first appeared systematically 40 years ago, as a consequence of an overall renovation in the field of science education. This evolution was also related to the political events taking place in the country. We will use the theoretical work of Rene Kaes on the development of groups and institutions as a basis for our discussion of the most important aspects that have helped the area of science education research develop into an institution and kept it operating as such. The growth of this area of research can be divided into three phases: The first was related to its beginning and early configurations; the second consisted of a process of consolidation of this institution; and the third consists of more recent developments, characterised by a multiplicity of research lines and corresponding challenges to be faced. In particular, we will analyse the special contributions to this study gleaned from the field known as the history and philosophy of science.
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This paper discusses the long-run history of education policies in Brazil. It is suggested that the main reason for the educational backwardness was the existence of strong political interests over education. It is also defended that these interests can be empirically observed in the allocation of public resources between the different levels of education, with political choices favouring specific groups in society. It was not a matter of lack of investment in education, but of inadequate allocation of resources. This pattern of political-based policies created a strong negative path dependence of misallocation of resources in education in Brazil, particularly with significant underinvestment in secondary education.