946 resultados para Bilateral Cooperation
Resumo:
This paper studies vertical R&D spillovers between upstream and downstream firms. The model incorporates two vertically related industries, with horizontal spillovers within each industry and vertical spillovers between the two industries. Four types of R&D cooperation are studied : no cooperation, horizontal cooperation, vertical cooperation, and simultaneous horizontal and vertical cooperation. Vertical spillovers always increase R&D and welfare, while horizontal spillovers may increase or decrease them. The comparison of cooperative settings in terms of R&D shows that no setting uniformly dominates the others. Which type of cooperation yields more R&D depends on horizontal and vertical spillovers, and market structure. The ranking of cooperative structures hinges on the signs and magnitudes of three competitive externalities (vertical, horizontal, and diagonal) which capture the effect of the R&D of a firm on the profits of other firms. One of the basic results of the strategic investment literature is that cooperation between competitors increases (decreases) R&D when horizontal spillovers are high (low); the model shows that this result does not necessarily hold when vertical spillovers and vertical cooperation are taken into account. The paper proposes a theory of innovation and market structure, showing that the relation between innovation and competition depends on horizontal spillovers, vertical spillovers, and cooperative settings. The private incentives for R&D cooperation are addressed. It is found that buyers and sellers have divergent interests regarding the choice of cooperative settings and that spillovers increase the likelihood of the emergence of cooperation in a decentralized equilibrium.
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The model studies information sharing and the stability of cooperation in cost reducing Research Joint Ventures (RJVs). In a four-stage game-theoretic framework, firms decide on participation in a RJV, information sharing, R&D expenditures, and output. An important feature of the model is that voluntary information sharing between cooperating firms increases information leakage from the RJV to outsiders. It is found that it is the spillover from the RJV to outsiders which determines the decision of insiders whether to share information, while it is the spillover affecting all firms which determines the level of information sharing within the RJV. RJVs representing a larger portion of firms in the industry are more likely to share information. It is also found that when sharing information is costless, firms never choose intermediate levels of information sharing : they share all the information or none at all. The size of the RJV is found to depend on three effects : a coordination effect, an information sharing effect, and a competition effect. Depending on the relative magnitudes of these effects, the size of the RJV may increase or decrease with spillovers. The effect of information sharing on the profitability of firms as well as on welfare is studied.
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This dissertation focuses on military cooperation between the United States and its special allies. It argues that alliance expectations determine the level of military cooperation, while two intervening variables - the level of government cohesion and military capabilities - determine its implementation. This study also shows how secondary states deploy strategies to overcome power asymmetries through bilateral concessions, international organizations and by appealing to principle. The focus of the research is on special allies, as they have the most to gain or lose by going along with American plans. My contention is that secondary allies can rarely influence the dominant ally decisively, but they can act autonomously and resist to pressures exerted by the stronger alliance partner. The argument builds on three central claims. First, power asymmetries between allies translate into different assessments of international threats. Second, when disagreements over threats arise, the outcome of intra-alliance bargaining is not necessarily dictated by the preferences of the stronger power. Third, secondary states, as opposed to the dominant partner, face unique constraints when facing major foreign policy decisions, i.e. they face a trade-off between establishing a credible reputation as an alliance partner in a politically feasible way while minimizing domestic audience costs. To examine the theoretical puzzle presented by asymmetric military cooperation, I introduce a causal explanation that builds on neoclassical realism, to zone in on the interaction between systemic and domestic variables. My research makes a contribution to alliance theory and foreign policy decision-making by studying how special allies respond to American decisions in times of threat and how systemic constraints are channeled through state-level variables. To investigate the causal link between threat perception, alliance expectations and domestic constraints, this study relies on the method of structured focused comparison with three detailed case studies. The focus is on the initial decision made by special allies regarding whether or not to participle in joint mobilization with the United States. The decision-making process is presented from the perspective of secondary allied states and measures the explanatory factors that motivated the decision on military cooperation. The case studies are the UK, Canada and Australia’s response to the war in Afghanistan and the war in Iraq during the period of 2001 to 2003.
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This paper draws on James Ferguson’s concept of ‘anti-politics machine’ and Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of illusio to explore the nature of the international development cooperation programmes financed by the Czech government. It argues that its character as an ‘anti-politics machine’ turns development into a highly technical issue and dismisses essential political questions of global equity and policy coherence from the public debate. Moreover, the actors in the field of development cooperation are held in an illusio: they are required to appear as altruistic, which obscures their particular interests. This instrumentalization of development aid contributes to further isolation of the Czech development constituency and raises fundamental questions for the democratic legitimacy of development cooperation.
Resumo:
Ce mémoire traite de la diversité culturelle sous l’optique de la notion d’exception culturelle. Dans la Convention sur la protection et la promotion de la diversité des expressions culturelles, la diversité culturelle acquiert le statut de notion pivot entre les politiques culturelles promulguées à l’échelle nationale, européenne et internationale. L’objectif de ce mémoire a été de déterminer la conception de la diversité culturelle dans l’intention de montrer les tensions qui résultent de la formulation du rôle des États-nations et du pouvoir dévolu à la libre circulation des biens et produits culturels à l’échelle supranationale. D’où l’hypothèse que la notion de diversité culturelle est sujette à des glissements de sens afin de rallier les parties en présence. Selon ces constats et l’hypothèse de Bourdieu selon laquelle on assiste à l’homogénéisation des cultures, nous avons répondu aux questions suivantes : comment la Convention peut-elle concilier l’ouverture des marchés des biens et services culturels et la protection de la diversité culturelle ? Comment la diversité culturelle s’orchestre-t-elle sous l’égide de la Convention de l’UNESCO ? Sous la tutelle de l’État-nation chargé de défendre les couleurs de la culture nationale ? Ou par l’intermédiaire du marché capable de réguler l’offre et la demande en matière de culture ? La Convention a donc fait l’objet d’une analyse de discours dans l’intention d’exhiber les tensions sous-jacentes à la conception de la diversité culturelle. En effet, la diversité culturelle est sujette à des glissements de sens, car elle est orchestrée en partie par le droit souverain des États-nations qui sont en mesure de protéger et promouvoir la diversité des expressions culturelles sur leur territoire, mais aussi, elle est basée sur des principes de libre échange et de libre circulation des produits, activités, biens et services culturels découlant de la coopération régionale, bilatérale et internationale mise de l’avant par la Convention. La Convention permet jusqu’à un certain point une conciliation entre l’ouverture du marché des biens et services culturels et la protection de la diversité culturelle grâce à ces mécanismes et ces organes.
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With globalization and increased connectedness, migration has become a political issue. Nevertheless, without citizenship participation in the political system in the host society is limited. Based on a neo-institutionalist approach and referring to political opportunity structure theory, this paper analyzes differences in means of political participation by migrants in two cities, one in the U.S. and one in Germany. Specific focus is put on the welfare state as one factor potentially influencing forms of participation of migrants. From interviews with migrants, local governments, and organizations, this paper establishes that political participation in the German city, Essen, is more institutionalized than in the U.S. city, Newark, NJ, where demonstrations and rallies play a more significant role. Looking at these findings, this paper explains the differences with a variation in the political opportunity structure between the two cities. Whereas in the conservative-corporatist welfare state, ideas of collective bar-gaining and the conferral of social rights to migrants leads to government-created bodies for migrant participation, in the U.S. city, these bodies do not exist and, therefore, migrants use different means of political participation. Through the conferral of social rights on migrants as well, in Germany, the cleavage between migrants and majority society has been pacified. In the U.S. city, where this is not the case, demonstrations and rallies are more common.
Resumo:
In den bundesweit rund 670 anerkannten Werkstätten für behinderte Menschen (WfbM) arbeiten aktuell über 290 000 Menschen mit Behinderung. Rund ein Viertel dieser Einrichtungen bieten auch landwirtschaftliche oder gartenbauliche Arbeitsplätze (`Grüne WfbM´). Die UN-Behindertenrechtskonvention fordert u. a. eine inklusive Teilhabe der Menschen mit Behinderung am Arbeitsleben in Form von Zugangsmöglichkeiten zu sozialversicherungspflichtiger Beschäftigung auf dem allgemeinen Arbeitsmarkt. Gleichzeitig können arbeitswirtschaftlich immer mehr landwirtschaftliche Betriebe aufgrund wachsender Betriebsgrößen nicht mehr allein durch die Unternehmerfamilie geführt werden. Neben der Zuhilfenahme von Dienstleistungsanbietern ist die Suche nach Fremdarbeitskräften zwangsläufig. Neben dem Bedarf an qualifiziertem Fachpersonal werden auch Arbeitskräfte für einfachere, tägliche Routinearbeiten gesucht. Die vorliegende Arbeit begleitet wissenschaftlich ein vom Bundesministerium für Ernährung, Landwirtschaft und Verbraucherschutz gefördertes bundesweites Modellvorhaben zur Vernetzung `Grüner WfbM´ mit landwirtschaftlichen Betrieben. Forschungsleitende Fragestellungen sind die betrieblichen Interessen und Voraussetzungen aus Sicht der landwirtschaftlichen Betriebe für die Beschäftigung von Menschen mit Behinderung sowie für bilaterale Kooperationen mit diesen Einrichtungen. Anhand von 44 Betriebsinterviews und unter Anwendung einer qualitativen, rechnerbasierten Fallstudienanalyse zeigen die Ergebnisse eine Vielzahl von Möglichkeiten wirtschaftlich tragfähiger Beschäftigung behinderter Menschen auch in Kernproduktionsprozessen. Unabdingbar dafür sind angepasste Sozialtugenden und ausreichende Arbeitsmotivation auf Arbeitnehmerseite sowie eine offen-innovative und sozial geprägte Grundeinstellung auf Betriebsleitungsseite. Betriebe wünschen sich dauerhafte und verlässliche Arbeitsverhältnisse. Praktika oder gar Experimente kommen für sie eher nicht in Frage. Weniger als 10% aller `Grünen WfbM´ kooperieren bilateral mit umliegenden Betrieben. Dort wo keine Kontakte bestehen, sind Vorbehalte seitens der Landwirte hinsichtlich Wettbewerbsverzerrungen durch vermeintliche Sozialsubventionierung bzw. im Wettbewerb um Ressourcen (z.B. Land) gegenüber den Einrichtungen anzutreffen. Kooperationen fördern gegenseitiges Verständnis und sind so auch idealer `Türöffner´ für Beschäftigungsverhältnisse.
Resumo:
La obra se presenta en edición bilingue español/inglés .- Incluye una sección de apéndices en la que aparecen tablas y gráficos que recogen datos estadísticos sobre la experiencia didáctica, así como información general sobre la UE
Resumo:
This report addresses the problem of achieving cooperation within small- to medium- sized teams of heterogeneous mobile robots. I describe a software architecture I have developed, called ALLIANCE, that facilitates robust, fault tolerant, reliable, and adaptive cooperative control. In addition, an extended version of ALLIANCE, called L-ALLIANCE, is described, which incorporates a dynamic parameter update mechanism that allows teams of mobile robots to improve the efficiency of their mission performance through learning. A number of experimental results of implementing these architectures on both physical and simulated mobile robot teams are described. In addition, this report presents the results of studies of a number of issues in mobile robot cooperation, including fault tolerant cooperative control, adaptive action selection, distributed control, robot awareness of team member actions, improving efficiency through learning, inter-robot communication, action recognition, and local versus global control.
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La red COPASCH tiene como foco temático la relación entre familias y centros escolares y nació con el objetivo de promover la participación de las familias en el desarrollo de la calidad y la mejora del proceso educativo, facilitar el intercambio y la puesta en práctica de nuevos métodos y planteamientos utilizando un sitio web que actúe como portal de información y comunicación, crear un foro de debate común y de cooperación para identificar y promover medidas innovadoras en apoyo de la cooperación entre familias y centros y establecer una red europea de padres y madres, profesorado y alumnado.
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La presente Monografía, trata específicamente de las posibles políticas de cooperación que puede haber entre el Estado colombiano y venezolano para internacionalizar el mercado de la energía eléctrica de Colombia, con el propósito de brindar una integración efectiva en la Región Latinoamericana. Además, se demuestra que desde el año 1989 hasta la actualidad, la cooperación se ha mantenido constante a pesar de las dificultades que se han presentado a lo largo de sus relaciones binacionales. Por otra parte, se resalta la capacidad energética de estos dos países, los cuales representan para Latinoamérica una fuente rica en recursos hídricos para desarrollar proyectos de generación de energía eléctrica, que a su vez servirán de despensa energética para la región, convirtiendo a Colombia, por medio de la cooperación con Venezuela en un cluster energético y estratégico para la comercialización de la energía eléctrica no solo de Colombia, sino también la de otros países de dicha región.