No right to sext? A critical examination of media and legal debates about teenage girls' sexual agency in the digital age

Advances in digital photography and distribution technologies enable many people to produce and distribute images of their sex acts. When teenagers do this, the photos and videos they create can be legally classified as child pornography since the law makes no exception for youth who create sexually explicit images of themselves. The dominant discussions about teenage girls producing sexually explicit media (including sexting) are profoundly unproductive: (1) they blame teenage girls for creating private images that another person later maliciously distributed and (2) they fail to respect—or even discuss—teenagers’ rights to freedom of expression. Cell phones and the internet make producing and distributing images extremely easy, which provide widely accessible venues for both consensual sexual expression between partners and for sexual harassment. Dominant understandings view sexting as a troubling teenage trend created through the combination of camera phones and adolescent hormones and impulsivity, but this view often conflates consensual sexting between partners with the malicious distribution of a person’s private image as essentially equivalent behaviors. In this project, I ask: What is the role of assumptions about teen girls’ sexual agency in these problematic understandings of sexting that blame victims and deny teenagers’ rights? In contrast to the popular media panic about online predators and the familiar accusation that youth are wasting their leisure time by using digital media, some people champion the internet as a democratic space that offers young people the opportunity to explore identities and develop social and communication skills. Yet, when teen girls’ sexuality enters this conversation, all this debate and discussion narrows to a problematic consensus. The optimists about adolescents and technology fall silent, and the argument that media production is inherently empowering for girls does not seem to apply to a girl who produces a sexually explicit image of herself. Instead, feminist, popular, and legal commentaries assert that she is necessarily a victim: of a “sexualized” mass media, pressure from her male peers, digital technology, her brain structures or hormones, or her own low self-esteem and misplaced desire for attention. Why and how are teenage girls’ sexual choices produced as evidence of their failure or success in achieving Western liberal ideals of self-esteem, resistance, and agency? Since mass media and policy reactions to sexting have so far been overwhelmingly sexist and counter-productive, it is crucial to interrogate the concepts and assumptions that characterize mainstream understandings of sexting. I argue that the common sense that is co-produced by law and mass media underlies the problematic legal and policy responses to sexting. Analyzing a range of nonfiction texts including newspaper articles, talk shows, press releases, public service announcements, websites, legislative debates, and legal documents, I investigate gendered, racialized, age-based, and technologically determinist common sense assumptions about teenage girls’ sexual agency. I examine the consensus and continuities that exist between news, nonfiction mass media, policy, institutions, and law, and describe the limits of their debates. I find that this early 21st century post-feminist girl-power moment not only demands that girls live up to gendered sexual ideals but also insists that actively choosing to follow these norms is the only way to exercise sexual agency. This is the first study to date examining the relationship of conventional wisdom about digital media and teenage girls’ sexuality to both policy and mass media.

Re-assessing the 'public's right to know' - the shift from journalism to political PR

Impact of dental caries on quality of life of adolescents according to access to oral health services: a cross sectional study

Aim: This study presents the prevalence of dental caries and its relation to the quality of life of adolescents according to the access to dental health services. Methods: Two hundred and fifty-six adolescents between 15 and 19 years of age participated in the study; they were all enrolled in public schools in a countryside municipality of the São Paulo State. Data related to dental caries were evaluated by the DMFT Index, and OHIP-14 was used for evaluating the quality of life. Mann Whitney and Spearmann correlation tests were also used (p<0.05). Results: A DMFT of 3.09 (±3.30) was found with a higher prevalence among the adolescents who used public dental services (3.43±3.34) compared with those who used private services (2.94±3.28). A statistically significant relationship between the decay component of DMFT with physical pain (0.020), physical disability (0.002) and quality of life (0.017) was verified. Conclusions: A low prevalence of dental caries was observed, and it was higher in adolescents who used public oral health services rather than private ones, evidencing the low influence of oral health on the quality of life of the participants.

Threshold privacy preserving keyword searches

We consider the following problem: users of an organization wish to outsource the storage of sensitive data to a large database server. It is assumed that the server storing the data is untrusted so the data stored have to be encrypted. We further suppose that the manager of the organization has the right to access all data, but a member of the organization can not access any data alone. The member must collaborate with other members to search for the desired data. In this paper, we investigate the notion of threshold privacy preserving keyword search (TPPKS) and define its security requirements. We construct a TPPKS scheme and show the proof of security under the assumptions of intractability of discrete logarithm, decisional Diffie-Hellman and computational Diffie-Hellman problems.

Do outro lado da linha do trem, havia uma pedra no meio do caminho: um estudo sobre crack no Rio de Janeiro na perspectiva da Teoria Ator-rede

O objetivo dessa pesquisa é discutir o cenário de uso de crack no município do Rio de Janeiro contextualizado com a condição de vulnerabilidade e risco social, através do mapeamento das controvérsias entre os atores dessa rede. As percepções e experiências relatadas neste trabalho dizem respeito aos diferentes espaços profissionais voltados ao atendimento e prestação de serviço a este público. Inicialmente, é trazida a trajetória teórica e prática que levaram a construção desta dissertação. Foram relatadas experiências vividas nas ações conjuntas de abordagem com a SMDS (Secretaria Municipal de Desenvolvimento Social) e a prática como entrevistadora de usuários de crack na Pesquisa Nacional do Crack pela FIOCRUZ. No segundo momento, é feito um breve histórico da origem do crack e suas marcas pelo mundo. São trazidos também, dados sobre a droga no Brasil, em particular sua história no Rio de Janeiro. Ainda nesta sequência, é apresentada a política de Redução de Danos, mostrando de que maneira o sujeito é significado a partir dessa perspectiva, e suas principais contribuições pelo mundo e também no país. A dissertação é construída pela perspectiva das práticas profissionais do psicólogo SMDS pensada através da Teoria Ator-rede. Foi importante destacar as principais ações de política pública voltadas para essa temática, considerando os avanços na discussão da temática. Foram mapeadas e exploradas as relações entre os atores envolvidos nesta temática (usuários de crack, SMDS, SMS Secretaria Municipal de Saúde, Segurança Pública, Mídia, Sociedade), colocando em evidencia as controvérsias existentes nessas relações, como recolhimento compulsório. De maneira conclusiva, são trazidas as impressões tiradas ao final deste percurso, problematizando os papéis do poder público e daqueles que atuam para garantir a população que faz uso abusivo de crack e outras drogas o direito de acessar e exercia sua cidadania.

Le consentement à la convention d'arbitrage commercial international : évolution et développement récents en droit québécois et en droit international

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de LL.M. en droit option droit des affaires"

Le statut juridique du courriel au Canada et aux États-Unis

Cet article aborde le degré de protection en matière de vie privée accordé au courrier électronique par les tribunaux nord-américains. L’auteur dresse un portrait général de la jurisprudence canadienne et américaine actuellement disponible en la matière, en concentrant ses propos sur l’expectative de vie privée des employés ainsi que sur les droits de l’employeur d’accéder à leurs courriels dans un contexte de relations de travail. Alors que les tribunaux canadiens abordent la problématique en procédant par analogie, c’est-à-dire par comparaison du courriel avec des modes de communication plus traditionnels (i.e. le téléphone et le courrier), les tribunaux américains font une analyse interprétative du 4ème amendement de la constitution des États-Unis et des droits statutaires accordés par l’Electronic Communications Privacy Act de 1986 et le Privacy Protection Act de 1986. L’auteur précise que les dispositions législatives actuelles présentent d’importantes lacunes rendant difficile leur application aux courriels.

Les vicissitudes de la notion de délit de presse en droit algérien : délit de droit commun ou délit spécial ?

"Toute vérité est bonne à dire. Mais dire le droit nécessite sans doute la connaissance par le juge des normes universelles envisagées sous l'angle constitutionnel des droits fondamentaux de l'homme et de la société. Le fondement d'un tel principe trouve sa consécration dans le droit à l'information et à la protection juridique du devoir d'informer par les journalistes. Aujourd'hui, dans tout État de droit moderne et démocratique, la question se trouve nettement posée : comment adapter la fonction de poursuite et du jugement en matière de presse avec les garanties du droit à la liberté d'expression et au droit d'accès aux sources de l'information et par conséquent faciliter l'exercice de la mission du journaliste ? Aussi, comment organiser les relations professionnelles entre le pouvoir judiciaire, protecteur de l'ordre public et le pouvoir de la presse pourvoyeur et source de l'information ? Autant de questions qui se posent en droit algérien et au problème des limites de forme et de fond de ce droit et plus particulièrement en matière des délits de presse. Ainsi, ces aspects ont été mis en évidence dans différents systèmes juridiques, dans plusieurs pays du monde, notamment en droit pénal de la presse français. Cela implique l'intervention de l'État et des autorités publiques pour assurer et protéger le droit à l'information des citoyens qui constitue d'ailleurs le second aspect de la liberté d'information afin d'en assurer l'exercice effectif. Le problème est crucial en droit positif algérien ; il évolue souvent dans un climat de conflit et de tension entre le pouvoir et la presse de telle sorte que l'injure et la diffamation publique se définissent comme des délits de presse aux sanctions assez lourdes. Ces délits relèvent d'un régime pénal particulier dans la mesure où le législateur ne fait aucune distinction entre un article de presse considéré comme diffamatoire ou injurieux et une simple insulte proférée par un individu à l'encontre d'autres personnes. La spécificité de la profession journalistique n'est guère prise en compte. La notion d'exception de vérité fait défaut dans les dispositions ajoutées par le législateur en 2001 et modifiant le Code pénal algérien. De plus, la loi permet aux pouvoirs publics de s'autosaisir et d'engager automatiquement la procédure de poursuite judiciaire tant que le délit n'est pas prescrit. Cela nous interpelle sur le caractère spécial et exceptionnel de la notion de délit de presse et nous oblige à nous interroger sur leurs caractères d'identification en cas de déclenchement de l'action publique contre le journaliste ; et sur l'absence quasi-systématique du droit de réponse, au-delà des sanctions que le juge pourrait être amené à prononcer contre un organe de presse ou un journaliste. Certes, la dépénalisation des délits de presse n'est pas pour demain ; et le chemin est laborieux pour la corporation des journalistes mais personne ne peut nier leurs souhaits d'abolir les sanctions infligées à leur encontre par la proposition d'une application plus douce de la loi pénale aussi bien sur le plan de la procédure que sur le fond. Cela doit s'inscrire dans des nouvelles dispositions pour lesquelles le droit algérien de l'information ne peut pas être évidemment en marge, dans le cadre de la mondialisation de la presse, de l'émergence de la société de l'information et des nouveaux supports  de communication."

La constitutionnalisation du droit de négociation collective : ses effets sur les régimes législatifs de représentation collective

Dans un important arrêt rendu en 2007 dans l’affaire Health Services and Support, la Cour suprême du Canada a reconnu pour la première fois que la liberté d’association énoncée à la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés protégeait la «capacité des syndiqués d’engager des négociations collectives sur des problèmes reliés au milieu de travail». Pour conclure ainsi, la Cour trouve appui dans le droit international du travail. Avec cette décision, la Cour renverse sa position établie une vingtaine d’années plus tôt voulant que la négociation collective ne soit pas une activité bénéficiant d’une protection à titre de droit fondamental. Suite à ce changement de paradigme, nombre d’auteurs ont été d’avis que la constitutionnalisation du droit de négociation collective pourrait avoir des effets sur la validité de différentes mesures législatives et sur l’interprétation des lois encadrant les régimes de relations de travail. De plus, la négociation collective étant historiquement indissociable de la grève, il y avait tout lieu de croire que la protection de la Charte pourrait être étendue au droit de grève. Par la suite, en 2011, la Cour suprême a rendu la décision Fraser portant sur l’accès à un régime de représentation collective, précisant la portée du droit de négociation collective tel qu’envisagé dans Health Services. Le présent mémoire recense la jurisprudence qui a abordé la protection constitutionnelle de la négociation collective en droit public canadien et en droit privé québécois depuis l’arrêt Health Services afin d’identifier ses effets sur la validité des restrictions au droit de grève, sur la validité des restrictions au contenu des négociations et sur l’imposition de conditions de travail, sur la validité des exclusions de certaines catégories de travailleurs des régimes de représentation collective, et sur l’interprétation des dispositions de ces régimes. Les résultats de la recherche nous permettent de conclure que la constitutionnalisation du droit de négociation collective a engendré un certain volume de contestations de la part d’organisations syndicales. Ces procédures ont porté fruit dans des situations où l’atteinte aux droits était similaire aux précédents de la Cour suprême ainsi que dans un cas lié au droit de grève. Les effets plus vastes envisagés dans la recension de la littérature ne se sont pas matérialisés. Par ailleurs, nos résultats en droit privé indiquent que la constitutionnalisation du droit de grève n’a pas eu d’impact sur l’interprétation des régimes de relations industrielles. Enfin, le recours ou non au droit international par les tribunaux n’a pas d’effet sur nos résultats.

O princípio da publicidade e a participação na administração pública

O presente trabalho investiga a possibilidade de aumentar o espectro de participação política na Administração, pela consideração de que o Estado brasileiro tem fins, objetivos a realizar e é uma democracia do tipo “procedimental-deliberativa”, em que o povo deve participar das decisões que afetem sua vida. Além disso, a realização do interesse geral só tem a ganhar em eficácia se as decisões estatais escaparem, o mais possível, da lógica tecnocrática do “segredo administrativo”, porque, graças à participação dos interessados, pelo conhecimento dos dados concretos e dos fatores humanos e técnicos que condicionam uma decisão, estes podem trazer algum elemento que a modifique, obrigando a Administração a explicar os motivos de sua ação, facilitando, assim, a execução. Por isso, estuda-se, tanto o significado do princípio democrático quanto do princípio da publicidade, as formas possíveis de participação dos cidadãos na Administração e as concretizações da publicidade administrativa em direito de saber, direito de controle e direito de participar do processo administrativo.

Os programas de incentivo à cultura e o processo de fomento às organizações culturais no rio grande do norte: o caso da Casa da Ribeira em Natal

Since the emergence of the first demands for actions that were intended to give greater attention to culture in Brazil, came the first discussions which concerned the way the Brazilian government could have a positive influence in encouraging the culture, as is its interaction with the actors interested and involved with the cause. During the military dictatorship, there were programs which relied on the direct participation of the State to ensure that right, from the viewpoint of its support and implementation of public resources in developing the "cultural product" to be brought to society in its various forms of expression - all this, funded by the government. It is an example of "EMBRAFILMES" and "Projeto Seis e Meia", continued until the present day in some regions of the country, though maintained by entities not directly connected with the administration or the government. However, it was from the period of democratization and the end of the dictatorship that the Brazilian government began to look at the different culture, under its guarantee to the society. Came the first incentive laws, led by "Lei Sarney" Nº 7.505/86, which was culture as a segment which could receive foreign assistance in order to assist the government in fulfilling its public duty. After Collor era and the end of the embargo through the encouragement of culture incentive laws, consolidated the incentive model proposed in advance of Culture "Lei Sarney" and the federal laws, state and local regimentares as close to this action. This applies to the Rouanet Law (Lei Rouanet), Câmara Cascudo Law (Lei Câmara Cascudo) and Djalma Maranhão Cultural Incentive Law (Lei de Incentivo à Cultura Djalma Maranhão), existing in Natal and Rio Grande do Norte. Since then, business entities could help groups and cultural organizations to keep their work from the political sponsorship under control and regiment through the Brazilian state in the form of their Cultural Incentive Law. This framework has contributed to the strengthening of NGOs and with the consolidation of these institutions as the linchpin of Republican guaranteeing the right to access to culture, but corporate social responsibility was the one who took off in the segment treated here, through the actions of Responsibility Cultural enterprises arising from the Cultural Organizations. Therefore, in the face of this discourse, this study ascertains the process of encouraging the Culture in Rio Grande do Norte from the Deviant Case Analysis at the Casa da Ribeira, the main Cultural Organization that operates, focused action in Natal in order to assess the relationships established between the same entity and the institutions which are entitled to maintain the process of encouraging treated in this study - Enterprise, from the viewpoint of corporate sponsorship and Cultural Responsibility and State in the form of the Laws Incentive Funds and Public Culture Incentive

Who can (not) be Greek? Citizenship, Identity and Belonging among youth of sub-Saharan African background in Athens

‘Who can be Greek?’ This was the question posed to the Greek society for the first time before the implementation of the Act 3838 in March 2010 which gave the right to access the Greek citizenship -under specific preconditions- to all children of legal migrants born or schooled in Greece. This change of the Nationality Code in order to include all those children was coincided by the economic crisis resulting into the rise of xenophobia, racism and extreme-right rhetoric. The outcome was the cancellation of the Act 3838 by the State Council in February 2013. Under this particular framework, the notions of identity and belonging formed among the youth of African background in Athens are explored. The ways those youngsters perceive not only themselves but also their peers, their countries of origin and the country they live in, are crucial elements of their self-identification. Researches have shown that the integration of the second generation is highly connected to their legal and social status. However, integration is a rather complex process, influenced and shaped by many variables and multiple factors. It is not linear; therefore, its outcomes are difficult to be predicted. Yet, I argue that citizenship acquisition facilitates the process as it transforms those children from ‘aliens’ to ‘citizens’. How these youngsters are perceived by the majority society and the State is one of the core questions of the research, focusing on the imposed dual ‘otherness’ they are subject to. On the one hand, they have to deal with the ‘otherness’ originating from the migrant status inherited to them by their parents, and on the other with the ‘otherness’ deriving from their different phenotypic characteristics. Race matters and becomes a means of discrimination against youth of African background who are perceived as inassimilable and ‘forever others’.

Os programas de incentivo à cultura e o processo de fomento às organizações culturais no Rio Grande do Norte: o caso da Casa da Ribeira em Natal

Since the emergence of the first demands for actions that were intended to give greater attention to culture in Brazil, came the first discussions which concerned the way the Brazilian government could have a positive influence in encouraging the culture, as is its interaction with the actors interested and involved with the cause. During the military dictatorship, there were programs which relied on the direct participation of the State to ensure that right, from the viewpoint of its support and implementation of public resources in developing the "cultural product" to be brought to society in its various forms of expression - all this, funded by the government. It is an example of "EMBRAFILMES" and "Projeto Seis e Meia", continued until the present day in some regions of the country, though maintained by entities not directly connected with the administration or the government. However, it was from the period of democratization and the end of the dictatorship that the Brazilian government began to look at the different culture, under its guarantee to the society. Came the first incentive laws, led by "Lei Sarney" Nº 7.505/86, which was culture as a segment which could receive foreign assistance in order to assist the government in fulfilling its public duty. After Collor era and the end of the embargo through the encouragement of culture incentive laws, consolidated the incentive model proposed in advance of Culture "Lei Sarney" and the federal laws, state and local regimentares as close to this action. This applies to the Rouanet Law (Lei Rouanet), Câmara Cascudo Law (Lei Câmara Cascudo) and Djalma Maranhão Cultural Incentive Law (Lei de Incentivo à Cultura Djalma Maranhão), existing in Natal and Rio Grande do Norte. Since then, business entities could help groups and cultural organizations to keep their work from the political sponsorship under control and regiment through the Brazilian state in the form of their Cultural Incentive Law. This framework has contributed to the strengthening of NGOs and with the consolidation of these institutions as the linchpin of Republican guaranteeing the right to access to culture, but corporate social responsibility was the one who took off in the segment treated here, through the actions of Responsibility Cultural enterprises arising from the Cultural Organizations. Therefore, in the face of this discourse, this study ascertains the process of encouraging the Culture in Rio Grande do Norte from the Deviant Case Analysis at the Casa da Ribeira, the main Cultural Organization that operates, focused action in Natal in order to assess the relationships established between the same entity and the institutions which are entitled to maintain the process of encouraging treated in this study - Enterprise, from the viewpoint of corporate sponsorship and Cultural Responsibility and State in the form of the Laws Incentive Funds and Public Culture Incentive

Ideals, Aesthetics, and Practices of Professionalization in the Tokyo Jazz Scene

In the early twenty-first century, jazz has a history in Japan of approximately 100 years. In contemporary Tokyo, Japanese musicians demonstrate their right to access jazz performance through a variety of musical and extra-musical techniques. Those accepted as fully professional and authentic artists, or puro, gain a special status among their peers, setting them apart from their amateur and part-time counterparts. Drawing on three months of participant-observation in the Tokyo jazz scene, I examine this status of puro, its variable definition, the techniques used by musicians to establish themselves as credible jazz performers, and some obstacles to achieving this status. I claim two things: first, aspiring puro musicians establish themselves within a jazz tradition through musical references to African American identity and a rhetoric of jazz as universal music. Second, I claim that universalism as a core aesthetic creates additional obstacles to puro status for certain musicians in the Tokyo scene.