Public-private partnerships in renewable energy in Latin America and the Caribbean

Incluye Bibliografía

Competencia y regulación en el sector de la banca en Guatemala

Incluye Bibliografía

O governo Bernardes e a Liga das Nações

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Security in the logistics chain and its impact on Mesoamerican competitiveness

This issue of the FAL Bulletin analyses the implications of logistics security for the competitiveness of the member countries of the Mesoamerica Project. This study analyses a number of international indicators related to logistics security and proposes a set of actions to improve the organization of the governments and their coordination with the private sector, to enhance the efficiency of the measures implemented and thus the competitiveness of their economies.

Do ponto de vista da caserna: memórias do cotidiano e experiências de militares da aeronáutica em Belém durante o regime militar (1964-1985)

Este estudo discute as percepções da população belenense sobre o período do Regime Militar de 1964, centrando a análise no segmento militar: Militares Graduados da Aeronáutica. Buscamos compreender a vivência destes no cotidiano da capital paraense no período de 1964-1985. Tal se manifesta para além da política e da economia, retratando aspectos da sociedade relativos ao trabalho, ao lazer e à vida privada, na qual as diferentes realidades e instâncias são vivenciadas e adquirem variados sentidos e significados no dia-a-dia. Temos o intuito de compreender os sentidos atribuídos pelos militares a suas atividades diárias, seja no âmbito institucional, seja no meio civil. Utilizamos para esta percepção a documentação (registros fotográficos, jornais internos, cartazes) do Primeiro Comando Aéreo Regional sediado em Belém (I COMAR), além de entrevistas sistematizadas de militares e seus familiares. Essas duas esferas – Civil-Militar – são cruzadas enfocando suas vivências no âmbito civil e podem ter uma relação direta ou indireta com as esferas políticas, econômicas e sociais do Regime Militar.

A Sorocabana Railway Company: a relação de uma empresa ferroviária privada com as diretrizes governamentais (1907-1919)

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Biosecurity in public and private office

Biosecurity is currently a concern for all health-related services, including dentistry, since infection control has a relevant importance. In dental practice, health-related occupations have contact with a great number of individuals who are potentially capable to transmit pathogens. This study comprised a descriptive evaluation of the universal precaution measures for infection control adopted by dental practitioners working at public and private offices in the city of Araçatuba, SP. Data collection was performed by a quiz with questions about individual and collective protection equipments. The results showed that the use of caps was reported by 55% of the professionals working at the public sector and 90% for the private sector. The use of masks and gloves was reported by all professionals surveyed; nevertheless, glove change between patients was not reported by 40% of professionals working at the public sector. There were more flaws in public offices as to the use of protective barriers, since except for the use of gloves, gowns and masks, the frequency of use of those barriers was smaller than at private offices.

Non-State United States Support For The Contras During The Reagan Era

Under President Ronald Reagan, the White House pursued a complex foreign policy towards the Contras, rebels in trying to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, in Nicaragua. In 1979, the leftist Sandinista government seized power in Nicaragua. The loss of the previous pro-United States Somoza military dictatorship deeply troubled the conservatives, for whom eradication of communism internationally was a top foreign policy goal. Consequently, the Reagan Administration sought to redress the policy of his predecessor, Jimmy Carter, and assume a hard line stance against leftist regimes in Central America. Reagan and the conservatives within his administration, therefore, supported the Contra through military arms, humanitarian aid, and financial contributions. This intervention in Nicaragua, however, failed to garner popular support from American citizens and Democrats. Consequently, between 1982 and 1984 Congress prohibited further funding to the Contras in a series of legislation called the Boland Amendments. These Amendments barred any military aid from reaching the Contras, including through intelligence agencies. Shortly after their passage, Central Intelligence Agency Director William Casey and influential members of Reagan¿s National Security Council (NSC) including National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane, NSC Aide Oliver North, and Deputy National Security Advisor John Poindexter cooperated to identify and exploit loopholes in the legislation. By recognizing the NSC as a non-intelligence body, these masterminds orchestrated a scheme in which third parties, including foreign countries and private donors, contributed both financially and through arms donations to sustain the Contras independently of Congressional oversight. This thesis explores the mechanism and process of soliciting donations from private individuals, recognizing the forces and actors that created a situation for covert action to continue without detection. Oliver North, the main actor of the state, worked within his role as an NSC bureaucrat to network with influential politicians and private individuals to execute the orders of his superiors and shape foreign policy. Although Reagan articulated his desire for the Contras to remain a military presence in Nicaragua, he delegated the details of policy to his subordinates, which allowed this scheme to flourish. Second, this thesis explores the individual donors, analyzing their role as private citizens in sustaining and encouraging the policy of the Reagan Administration. The Contra movement found non-state support from followers of the New Right, demonstrated through financial and organizational assistance, that allowed the Reagan Administration¿s statistically unpopular policy in Nicaragua to continue. I interpret these donors as politically involved, but politically philanthropic, individuals, donating to their charity of choice to further the principles of American freedom internationally in a Cold War environment. The thesis then proceeds to assess the balance of power between the executive and other political actors in shaping policy, concluding that the executive cannot act alone in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy.

Balancing wildlife and bioenergy values on private forestlands in the eastern Upper Peninsula of Michigan

There is interest in developing a reliable, sustainable, domestic U.S. biofuels industry. A domestic biofuels industry has the potential to provide economic, environmental, and national security benefits on a local, regional, national, and global level. The Mascoma Corporation plans to develop a cellulosic ethanol facility in Michigan’s eastern Upper Peninsula. The primary feedstock of the plant site would be trees sourced within a 150 mile supply radius. In the eastern Upper Peninsula, this radius encompasses Alger, Chippewa, Delta, Luce, Mackinac, and Schoolcraft counties. In these six counties there are 1,320,500 acres of NIPF (non-industrial private forestlands). These acres account for 40% of the total timberland in these six counties. Thus it is likely that in order for the successful implementation of a cellulosic ethanol facility the support of local NIPF owners will be necessary. This thesis presents research on how eastern Upper Peninsula forest landowners think about and manage their land. It is based on 48 in-depth interviews with these landowners. The goal was to determine how landowner values and beliefs, on a variety of issues including wildlife management, land management, biofuels development, and climate change, are expressed through both their current management decisions, and possibly their future land management decisions. Some of the values articulated by the landowners in this study included biodiversity protection, conservation of healthy game populations, and the production of high-value timber. Understanding the values and beliefs of landowners in the eastern Upper Peninsula of Michigan is critical for successfully developing a sustainable regional woody bioenergy.

Foreign Direct Investment in Agriculture: Land Grab or Food Security Improvement?

“Large-scale acquisition of land by foreign investors” is the correct term for a process where the verdict of guilt is often quicker than the examination. But is there something really new about land grab except in its extent? In comparison with colonial and post-colonial plantation operations, should foreign investors today behave differently? We generally accept coffee and banana exports as pro-growth and pro-development, just as for cars, beef and insurance. What then is wrong with an investment contract allowing the holder to buy a farm and to export wheat to Saudi Arabia, or soybeans and maize as cattle feed to Korea, or to plant and process sugar cane and palm oil into ethanol for Europe and China? Assuming their land acquisition was legal, should foreigners respect more than investment contracts and national legislation? And why would they not take advantage of the legal protection offered by international investment law and treaties, not to speak of concessional finance, infrastructure and technical cooperation by a development bank, or the tax holidays offered by the host state? Remember Milton Friedman’s often-quoted quip: “The business of business is business!” And why would the governments signing those contracts not know whether and which foreign investment projects are best for their country, and how to attract them? This chapter tries to show that land grab, where it occurs, is not only yet another symptom of regulatory failures at the national level and a lack of corporate social responsibility by certain private actors. National governance is clearly the most important factor. Nonetheless, I submit that there is an international dimension involving investor home states in various capacities. The implication is that land grab is not solely a question whether a particular investment contract is legal or not. This chapter deals with legal issues which seem to have largely escaped the attention of both human rights lawyers and, especially, of investment lawyers. I address this fragmentation between different legal disciplines, rules, and policies, by asking two basic questions: (i) Do governments and parliaments in investor home countries have any responsibility in respect of the behaviour of their investors abroad? (ii) What should they and international regulators do, if anything?