921 resultados para excluded socio-political movements


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Environmental policy and decision-making are characterized by complex interactions between different actors and sectors. As a rule, a stakeholder analysis is performed to understand those involved, but it has been criticized for lacking quality and consistency. This lack is remedied here by a formal social network analysis that investigates collaborative and multi-level governance settings in a rigorous way. We examine the added value of combining both elements. Our case study examines infrastructure planning in the Swiss water sector. Water supply and wastewater infrastructures are planned far into the future, usually on the basis of projections of past boundary conditions. They affect many actors, including the population, and are expensive. In view of increasing future dynamics and climate change, a more participatory and long-term planning approach is required. Our specific aims are to investigate fragmentation in water infrastructure planning, to understand how actors from different decision levels and sectors are represented, and which interests they follow. We conducted 27 semi-structured interviews with local stakeholders, but also cantonal and national actors. The network analysis confirmed our hypothesis of strong fragmentation: we found little collaboration between the water supply and wastewater sector (confirming horizontal fragmentation), and few ties between local, cantonal, and national actors (confirming vertical fragmentation). Infrastructure planning is clearly dominated by engineers and local authorities. Little importance is placed on longer-term strategic objectives and integrated catchment planning, but this was perceived as more important in a second analysis going beyond typical questions of stakeholder analysis. We conclude that linking a stakeholder analysis, comprising rarely asked questions, with a rigorous social network analysis is very fruitful and generates complementary results. This combination gave us deeper insight into the socio-political-engineering world of water infrastructure planning that is of vital importance to our well-being.

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Transition and Justice examines a series of cases from across the African continent where peaceful ‘new beginnings’ were declared after periods of violence and where transitional justice institutions helped define justice and the new socio-political order. Offers a new perspective on transition and justice in Africa transcending the institutional limits of transitional justice Covers a wide range of situations, and presents a broad range of sites where past injustices are addressed Examines cases where peaceful ‘new beginnings’ have been declared after periods of violence Addresses fundamental questions about transitions and justice in societies characterized by a high degree of external involvement and internal fragmentation

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Since the end of the Cold War, political new beginnings have increasingly been linked to questions of transitional justice. The contributions to this collection examine a series of cases from across the African continent where peaceful ‘new beginnings’ have been declared after periods of violence and where transitional justice institutions played a role in defining justice and the new socio-political order. Three issues seem to be crucial to the understanding of transitional justice in the context of wider social debates on justice and political change: the problem of ‘new beginnings’, of finding a foundation for that which explicitly breaks with the past; the discrepancies between lofty promises and the messy realities of transitional justice in action; and the dialectic between logics of the exception and the ordinary, employed to legitimize or resist transitional justice mechanisms. These are the particular focus of this Introduction.

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New Zealand English first emerged at the beginning of the 19th century as a result of the dialect contact of British (51%), Scottish (27.3%) and Irish (22%) migrants (Hay and Gordon 2008:6). This variety has subsequently developed into an autonomous and legitimised national variety and enjoys a distinct socio-political status, recognition and codification. In fact, a number of dictionaries of New Zealand English have been published1 and the variety is routinely used as the official medium on TV, radio and other media. This however, has not always been the case, as for long only British standard norms were deemed suitable for media broadcasting. While there is some work already on lay commentary about New Zealand English (see for example Gordon 1983, 1994; Hundt 1998), there is much more to be done especially concerning more recent periods of the history of this variety and the ideologies underlying its development and legitimisation. Consequently, the current project aims at investigating the metalinguistic discourses during the period of transition from a British norm to a New Zealand norm in the media context, this will be done by focusing on debates about language in light of the advent of radio and television. The main purpose of this investigation is thus to examine the (language) ideologies that have shaped and underlain these discourses (e.g. discussions about the appropriateness of New Zealand English vis à vis external, British models of language) and their related practices in these media (e.g. broadcasting norms). The sociolinguistic and pragmatic effects of these ideologies will also be taken into account. Furthermore, a comparison will be carried out, at a later stage in the project, between New Zealand English and a more problematic and less legitimised variety: Estuary English. Despite plenty of evidence of media and other public discourses on Estuary English, in fact, there has been very little metalinguistic analysis of this evidence, nor examinations of the underlying ideologies in these discourses. The comparison will seek to discover whether similar themes emerge in the ideologies played out in publish discourses about these varieties, themes which serve to legitimise one variety, whilst denying such legitimacy to the other.

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New Zealand English first emerged at the beginning of the 19th century as a result of the dialect contact of British (51%), Scottish (27.3%) and Irish (22%) migrants (Hay and Gordon 2008:6). This variety has subsequently developed into an autonomous and legitimised national variety and enjoys a distinct socio-political status, recognition and codification. In fact, a number of dictionaries of New Zealand English have been published1 and the variety is routinely used as the official medium on TV, radio and other media. This however, has not always been the case, as for long only British standard norms were deemed suitable for media broadcasting. While there is some work already on lay commentary about New Zealand English (see for example Gordon 1983, 1994; Hundt 1998), there is much more to be done especially concerning more recent periods of the history of this variety and the ideologies underlying its development and legitimisation. Consequently, the current project aims at investigating the metalinguistic discourses during the period of transition from a British norm to a New Zealand norm in the media context, this will be done by focusing on debates about language in light of the advent of radio and television. The main purpose of this investigation is thus to examine the (language) ideologies that have shaped and underlain these discourses (e.g. discussions about the appropriateness of New Zealand English vis à vis external, British models of language) and their related practices in these media (e.g. broadcasting norms). The sociolinguistic and pragmatic effects of these ideologies will also be taken into account. Furthermore, a comparison will be carried out, at a later stage in the project, between New Zealand English and a more problematic and less legitimised variety: Estuary English. Despite plenty of evidence of media and other public discourses on Estuary English, in fact, there has been very little metalinguistic analysis of this evidence, nor examinations of the underlying ideologies in these discourses. The comparison will seek to discover whether similar themes emerge in the ideologies played out in publish discourses about these varieties, themes which serve to legitimise one variety, whilst denying such legitimacy to the other.

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What is nationalism? When did it originate and how did it develop throughout the centuries? What types of nationalism have evolved in different socio-political settings and why? By addressing these questions, this entry seeks to address the key issues of the conceptualization of nationalism, followed by an analysis of its development in different structural, cultural and political contexts. The entry reflects on the writings of the most prominent social thinkers studying nationalism in order to bring the classical texts into critical discussion with contemporary thinking about this phenomenon.

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This paper discusses the effects of global change in African mountains, with the example of Mount Kenya. The geographical focus is the northwestern, semi-arid foot zone of the mountain (Laikipia District). Over the past 50 years, this area has experienced rapid and profound transformation, the respective processes of which are all linked to global change. The main driving forces behind these processes have been political and economic in nature. To these an environmental change factor has been added in recent years – climate change. After introducing the area of research, the paper presents three dimensions of global change that are manifested in the region and largely shape its development: Socio-political change, economic change, environmental change. For the regions northwest of Mount Kenya, climate models predict important changes in rainfall distribution that will have a profound impact on freshwater availability and management. The results presented here are based on research undertaken northwest of Mount Kenya within the framework of a series of long-term Kenyan-Swiss research programmes that began in the early 1980s.

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There is a general consensus that healthy soils are pivotal for food security. Food production is one of the main ecosystem services provided by and thus dependent on well-functioning soils. There are also intrinsic connections between the four pillars of food security: food availability, access, utilization, and stability; with how soils are managed, accessed and secured, in particular by food insecure and vulnerable populations. On the other hand, socio-political and economic processes that precipitate inequalities and heighten vulnerabilities among poor populations often increase pressure on soils due to unsustainable forms of land use and poor agricultural practises. This has often led to scenarios that can be described as: ‘poor soils, empty stomachs (hungry people) and poor livelihoods.' In 2015, in particular, as we head towards approval of the ‘Sustainable Development Goals' (SDGs), the role of Financing for Development is debated and agreed upon and a new climate pact is signed – these three political dimensions define how a new post-2015 agenda needs to be people-smart as well as resource-smart. For proposed SDG 2 (Food Security and Hunger), there can be so resolution without addressing people, policies and institutions.

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After the collapse of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, a number of actors started to engage in the power struggle for the opportunities to shape the new order in successive nation-states. In Serbia and Georgia historically hegemonic Orthodox Christian churches were among the firsts in the frontlines for political and economic power. More than a decade has passed since the so-called Coloured Revolutions in Georgia and Serbia, and the Orthodox churches still remain participants of an ongoing socio-political transition of these states. The revival of public role of religion appeared temporary in Serbia followed by a gradual decline of an influence of the Orthodox Church over political life and legal process. However, in Georgia the public and political role of religion increased rather than declined albeit changed shape. Examining the degree to which the two Orthodox churches can influence the political agenda in Serbia and Georgia, the paper attempts to understand how church-State relations work in practice. By bringing rich empirical data from the field (70 interviews with (arch)bishops, priests and religious clerics in Georgia and Serbia added to field observations), the paper reflects on the themes under which the two Orthodox churches mobilize public protest in Serbia and Georgia. The paper further looks at varying State responses and their broader implication for church-state problematique.

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La denominación "cultura política" se ha constituido en objeto de estudio de diversas disciplinas sociales. Particularmente la historia de las ideas y la sociología política han convergido en este campo con el objeto de reconstruir redes de relaciones significativas entre el mundo simbólico y la vida política - social. Los itinerarios seguidos por ambas, así como propuestas y debates de autores de amplia difusión académica, nos muestra tanto el enriquecimiento, como las limitaciones, con que la producción en torno a los denominados "giro cultural", "lingüístico", "antropológico" y "sociológico", ha pretendido avanzar en la interpretación de significados con los que se teje la trama política.

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Con su obra y con su acción Esteban Echeverría marca un hito en el desarrollo y afianzamiento de la identidad político social y cultural argentina. Formula expresamente un programa de construcción identitaria y toda su obra se encuentra teñida por la voluntad de crear una literatura propia y original, en una lengua castellana enriquecida por el uso americano, con temas provenientes de la realidad del país y con la finalidad de contribuir, trascendiendo lo estético, al engrandecimiento de su patria. Subyace en cada página de Echeverría la necesidad de crear una sociedad democrática que continúe el pensamiento anticolonial de la Revolución de Mayo. Su “Apología del matambre" condensa ejemplarmente estas características.

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Al analizar las dimensiones dolorosas, violentas de las palabras y sus momentos de goce y placer, este trabajo pretende poner en relación ciertos fragmentos de la obra Tres Golpes de Timbal, del escritor argentino Daniel Moyano, con otras obras de su corpus. De esta manera establecen una relación dialógica con otros pasajes de la misma, con el contexto sociopolítico, ideológico y cultural, con referencias biográficas del autor, es decir con su contexto de producción.

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Resumen: El tema de este trabajo nos pone en el camino, estudio y reflexión sobre la construcción del concepto de “bárbaro” como oponente, contrario o antagonista de “heleno”. Esta construcción requirió de los autores de la época la necesidad de darle forma sustantiva al concepto de “heleno”, que no solo fue una figura retórica, sino un “signo identitario” importante. La afirmación de la identidad de los triunfadores de las Guerras Médicas los puso en la necesidad ideológica y política de reforzar el concepto de “heleno” desde el discurso, tal como lo habían hecho en su momento por las armas. Heródoto mismo nos indica que helenos y bárbaros son, en principio, diferentes, incluso representan regiones o espacios diferentes dentro de la ecúmene. La diferencia de lenguaje en el siglo V a. C, evolucionó hacia una forma de espacio. Aquellos que no hablaban griego fueron considerados atrasados, rudos, rebeldes e intelectualmente inferiores.

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El artículo presenta algunos resultados acerca de la investigación sobre la construcción de proyectos ético-políticos y su relación con las políticas sociales y la reconfiguración de lo social. Pretende aportar a la comprensión del Trabajo Social como sujeto colectivo y al análisis de la incidencia de dichos proyectos en la formación profesional y en la producción de conocimientos) como modos de interpelación a la intervención social desde diversas miradas. Debatir acerca de la actuación profesional del Trabajo Social supone cuestionar la formación que debe brindar la universidad teniendo en cuenta los atravesamientos socio-políticos y las transformaciones societales, desde una mirada socio-histórica que permita reconocer y valorar su trayectoria y los aspectos emergentes.

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Este artículo trata sobre las constituciones de nuevo cuño del siglo XXI – Venezuela, Bolivia y Ecuador– indagando en los procesos políticos de los cuales son expresión. Se reflexiona acerca de por qué los movimientos políticos que los conducen avanzaron en la creación de constituciones antes de haberse consolidado en lo estructural o de haber producido cambios sociales de fondo. Se interroga también si se puede hablar de un nuevo constitucionalismo en dichos procesos y en torno a qué sería nuevo. Además, se ofrece información sobre los respectivos textos constitucionales en perspectiva comparada con algunos aspectos de la Constitución de Argentina.