957 resultados para Trade-unions
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The benefits of retention are well known: it’s cheaper and easier to retain existing customers than it is to try to acquire new ones. Secondly, retained customers play a vital role in the acquisition of new customers through word-of-mouth. Thirdly, retained customers have a higher monetary value, due to being more susceptible to cross-selling initiatives. So, retention is important. But, it’s difficult to achieve, especially for membership organisations. Numerous organisations work on a membership-based business model, such as health clubs, trade unions, charities and even professional associations. Often, recruiting and retaining members is fundamental to the success of these enterprises which rely on membership fees as their primary revenue stream.
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This thesis examines the experiences and political subjectivity of women who engaged in workplace protest in Britain between 1968 and 1985. The study covers a period that has been identified with the ‘zenith’ of trade-union militancy in British labour history. The women’s liberation movement also emerged in this period, which produced a shift in public debates about gender roles and relations in the home and the workplace. Women’s trade union membership increased dramatically and trade unions increasingly committed themselves to supporting ‘women’s issues’. Industrial disputes involving working-class women have frequently been cited as evidence of women’s growing participation in the labour movement. However, the voices and experiences of female workers who engaged in workplace protest remain largely unexplored. This thesis addresses this space through an original analysis of the 1968 sewing-machinists’ strike at Ford, Dagenham; the 1976 equal pay strike at Trico, Brentford; the 1972 Sexton shoe factory occupation in Fakenham, Norfolk; the 1981 Lee Jeans factory occupation in Greenock, Inverclyde and the 1984-1985 sewing-machinists’ strike at Ford Dagenham. Drawing upon a combination of oral history and written sources, this study contributes a fresh understanding of the relationship between feminism, workplace activism and trade unionism during the years 1968-1985. In every dispute considered in this thesis, women’s behaviour was perceived by observers as novel, ‘historic’ or extraordinary. But the women did not think of themselves as extraordinary, and rather understood their behaviour as a legitimate and justified response to their everyday experiences of gender and class antagonism. The industrial disputes analysed in this thesis show that women’s workplace militancy was not simply a direct response to women’s heightened presence in trade unions. The women involved in these disputes were more likely to understand their experiences of workplace activism as an expression of the economic, social and subjective value of their work. Whilst they did not adopt a feminist identity or associate their action with the WLM, they spoke about themselves and their motivations in a manner that emphasised feminist values of equality, autonomy and self-worth.
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This article analyses the programme discussion in the trade union’s press supported by the trade union’s regional structures: the Inter-Enterprise Founding Committee, and subsequently the Wielkopolska Regional Board of the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union “Solidarność”. The press of „Solidarność” in the Wielkopolska region is distinguished by two groups of articles: reprints from other independent papers and first-time published articles. This article only interprets the latter group of publications. Those articles mainly focused on dominant topics such as discussions on the trade union’s current programme and its organization, the economic reform, the preparation to local self-government elections and the trade union’s global strategy.
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As teorias e políticas de desenvolvimento regional sofreram grandes alterações nas duas últimas décadas. Os factores que impulsionam o crescimento económico sustentado já não se relacionam apenas com o capital físico, nem sequer com o capital humano regional. As novas condições de competitividade enfatizam a importância do “capital social”, normas e regras sociais, formais ou informais que promovem a compreensão recíproca e a confiança mútuas entre os agentes da economia da região. Este artigo demonstra a forma como as instituições de uma região se podem organizar em torno dos processos de reestruturação produtiva e encorajar as empresas na região a adoptar normas, expectativas, valores, atitudes e práticas comuns, em suma, uma cultura comum de inovação reforçada pelo processo de aprendizagem social. A acção política dinamizada pela autarquia da Covilhã no projecto ReADAPT, a acção da Associação Nacional dos Industriais de Lanifícios ao promover as condições que sustentam e levam ao aparecimento de redes ou agrupamentos de empresas com actividades relacionadas nas áreas de maior potencial de desenvolvimento da região, e o estabelecimento de relações entre essas redes e as restantes instituições (centros de formação, universidade, sindicatos, etc.) constituem o chamado Sistema Regional de Inovação deste território. Num contexto de depressão económica sectorial e regional, o papel da ANIL e das restantes entidades parceiras assumiu-se como de “animadores e facilitadores” do desenvolvimento. A aprendizagem e a reflexão institucional conseguidas contribuíram também para o que ANIL e as restantes entidades parceiras e o sector público com o qual interagem, tenham adquirido uma nova capacidade de inovação estratégica. Neste contexto, instituições de carácter regional/local assumem-se como um elemento essencial na construção de racionalidades e no condicionamento de comportamentos reflexivos e de cooperação, indicando os caminhos possíveis a seguir aos restantes actores da região. Em suma, as dinâmicas de associação entre actores regionais são um ingrediente fundamental na receita para o desenvolvimento das regiões, no sentido em que podem ajudar outros a ajudar-se na criação de significados, na construção de capacidade para agir e no suporte à construção de redes através das quais os agentes económicos e sociais podem colaborar em benefício comum.
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The goal of this thesis has been to find out whether ISDS and international investment law exert a chilling effect on more stringent environmental standards at the domestic level. Due to the lack of consistent empirical and statistical evidence uncovered during the analysis, this thesis largely dismisses the regulatory chill hypothesis. However, two exceptions are identified: first, there is evidence of the efforts made by domestic industrial groups and trade unions to prevent the implementation of stricter environmental standards; second, it has become apparent that unfounded beliefs, e.g. about ISDS, held by lawmakers and regulators can play an important role in chilling stricter environmental standards. For these reasons, a new and narrower definition of the regulatory chill phenomenon has been proposed, one that only encompasses those instances in which lawmakers, governments and government agencies refrain from adopting the laws and regulations that they deem the most appropriate because they believe that doing so would lead to adverse consequences at the international trade and investment level, despite a lack of consistent and robust evidence supporting their concerns. The second part of this thesis focusses on what could be done in international economic law to promote environmentally friendly FDI, while preventing the few instances in which regulatory chill may take place due to ill-founded beliefs held by lawmakers and regulators. Following an analysis that highlights the paramount role played by public participation and responsive institutions to achieve an appropriate level of environmental protection, this study ends with a proposal that recommends the adoption of a clause within IIAs that makes pre-investment environmental screening mandatory and free from ISDS oversight.
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I. Description and bibliography.--II. Subject index.--III. Subject index (concluded)
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Truck with banner Trade unionists unite to win in Brisbane, Australia, during the Labor Day procession, May 1965. Truck has another banner Trades and Labor Council of Queensland and affiliated unions.
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Within a two-country model of international trade in which heterogeneous firms face firm-specific unions, we study the effects of different forms of trade liberalisation on market structure and competitive selection in the presence of inter-country asymmetries in size and labour market institutions. For given levels of trade openness, an increase in a country’s relative unions’ strength reduces the average productivity of its domestic producers but increases that of its exporters. Whilst an unfavourable union power differential, by increasing wages, weakens a country’s firms’ competitive position, the higher wages reinforce standard market access mechanisms to give rise to aggregate income effects. When the initial levels of trade openness are sufficiently low, this ‘expansionary’ aggregate effect can attract industry in the country with stronger unions and also result in an increase in the extensive margin of exports. For sufficiently large inter-country differences in the bargaining power of unions, trade liberalization can then result in a pro-variety effect, with an increase in the total availability of varieties to consumers in both countries, regardless of there being inter-country differences in size.
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The 1990s witnessed the launching of two ambitious trade regionalization plans, the Nafta and EU enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe. In contrast to previous projects for the creation or expansion of regional trade blocs, these two projects concerned states at dramatically different levels of economic development: The Nafta involved the very wealthy economies of Canada and the USA and the significantly poorer economy of Mexico, whereas EU enlargement involved the very wealthy economy of the 15 member-state European Union and the significantly poorer economies of former Communist states in Central and Eastern Europe. Ultimately, the Nafta and EU enlargement are responses to the challenges of globalization. Paradoxically, however, they have been met with radically different societal reactions in the wealthy partners that participated in the launching of these processes. This paper focuses on the reaction by labor unions on both sides of the Atlantic. I conclude that while labor relations and welfare institutions constrained the trade policy choices made by labor unions in the United States and Europe, they do not tell the whole story. It would seem that United States labor unions were more sensitive to the potential risks for workers associated to the liberalization of trade than were their European counterparts.
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Given the substantial and increasing encroachment of trade agreements into almost every aspect of economic and social life, there is a pressing need for research that provides a more coherent framework for understanding the source and effectiveness of organised labour ’s power and capacity to influence international trade policy. Taking the union protests against the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) as a case study, this research uses core concepts derived from social movement theory to analyse the opportunities that existed for unions to influence these trade negotiations and their capacity to identify and take advantage of such opportunities. Importantly, it adds a power analysis designed to reveal the sources of power that unions draw on to take action. The research demonstrates that even where unions faced considerable constraints they were able to re-frame trade issues in a way that built broad support for their position and to utilise opportunities in the trade negotiation process to mobilise resistance against the GATS and further liberalisation of services. The theoretical framework developed for the research provides conceptual tools that can be developed for improving strategic campaign planning and for analytical assessment of past campaigns. The theoretical framework developed for this research has potential for further application as an analytical and strategic planning tool for unions.
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The European Union (EU) is embedded in a pluralistic legal context because of the EU and its Member States’ treaty memberships and domestic laws. Where EU conduct has implications for both the EU’s international trade relations and the legal position of individual traders, it possibly affects EU and its Member States’ obligations under the law of the World Trade Organization (WTO law) as well as the Union’s own multi-layered constitutional legal order. The present paper analyses the way in which the European Court of Justice (ECJ) accommodates WTO and EU law in the context of international trade disputes triggered by the EU. Given the ECJ’s denial of direct effect of WTO law in principle, the paper focuses on the protection of rights and remedies conferred by EU law. It assesses the implications of the WTO Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) – which tolerates the acceptance of retaliatory measures constraining traders’ activities in sectors different from those subject to the original trade dispute (Bananas and Hormones cases) – for the protection of ‘retaliation victims’. The paper concludes that governmental discretion conferred by WTO law has not affected the applicability of EU constitutional law but possibly shapes the actual scope of EU rights and remedies where such discretion is exercised in the EU’s general interest.
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The issue of “trade and exchange rate misalignments” is being discussed at the G20, IMF and WTO, following an initiative by Brazil. The main purpose of this paper is to apply the methodology developed by the authors to exam the impacts of misalignment on tariffs in order to analyse the impacts of misalignments on the trade relations between two customs unions – the EU and Mercosur, as well as to explain how tariff barriers are affected. It is divided into several sections: the first summarises the debate on exchange rates at the WTO; the second explains the methodology used to determine exchange rate misalignments; the third and fourth summarises the methodology applied to calculate the impacts of exchange rate misalignments on the level of tariff protection through an exercise of ‘misalignment tariffication’; the fifth reviews the effects of exchange rate misalignments on tariffs and its consequences for the trade negotiations between the two areas; and the last concludes and suggests a way to move the debate forward in the context of regional arrangements
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Includes bibliography