Imagens e contra-imagens do estado": considerações sobre a sociedade civil em Gramsci e Habermas

The theme of civil society has resonated significantly in the analysis of social science studies and has long been the center of public opinion, applied to a vast range of contexts, significances and political ideological connotations. Starting with such an unstable theoretical scenario, our research proposal scrutinized two civil society analysis traditions. Embodied by Antonio Gramsci and Jürgen Habermas, these politically conceptual differences are significantly divided into distinct interpretations of the relationship between the state and civil society. On one side, in Gramsci's work, we observe civil society as historically constituted through "molecular expansion of the state", organizing itself during its obligatory constitutive moment. On the other, Habermas shows us a civil society instituted from the structural differentiation process of society developed due to the contradiction existing between the different ways the state administration is organized, the economy and daily social interaction (in which it is found). As a consequence, civil society is no longer seen as a political arena and the hegemonic catalyst of the state, but as a social arrangement destined to increase the viability of the ethical and dialogical reconstruction of social life. It follows that the understanding of the distinctions between both models of civil society become crucial in the measure that they are divided in relation to the delineation of acting agents, fighting strategies, and to the objective of their actions.Despite the existence of analytical dissonance, we intend to outline the common points between both these civil society analysis traditions whose conflicting political action models lead us to a greater understanding of our contemporary political scene. This will be done starting with the systematization of both selected authors' principal categories, and through the introduction of the "contra-hegemonic public sphere" concept

Greve do voto: a política da antipolítica nas eleições municipais de 2004 em Fortaleza

This study discusses the use of communication strategies in the dispute for political hegemony in the contemporary society. In order to do so, one starts from the concept of politics in its broad sense, involving, besides parties and parliaments, the groups and organized social movements. The comprehension that the political activity, nowadays, involves the media, made part of this study be focused on the investigation of problems in this relationship. We analyzed, especially, the communication actions promoted by the Grupo Crítica Radical, in which participate, among others, Maria Luiza Fontenelle, former mayor of Fortaleza, and Rosa da Fonseca, former concillor. They left their old parties after a process of self-criticism concerning their incumbencies, partly influenced by the books of Robert Kurz about the collapse of capitalism . After this historical contextualization, one starts the analysis of the campaign Greve do Voto promoted by the Group during the municipal elections of 2004. The production of campaign material, the street drama, the small shows and the fact that the press covered the campaign are discussed starting from the theoretical formulations presented on this research, understanding, this way, the challenge of these groups to build an action against the hegemony allied to the universe of the mass media

Organização e institucionalização política do movimento negro de Uberlândia(MG)

Este trabajo forma parte de una investigación cualitativa empírica que se ha realizado con el Movimiento Negro en Brasil, sobre todo en Uberlandia (MG), en busca de Políticas Públicas para la Promoción de la Igualdad Racial y sus conflictos históricos con la sociedad brasileña entre los años 1980 , 1990 y 2009. En cuanto a los objetivos generales destacan la variación en la forma de organización social y política de la comunidad Uberlandense negro, ya que es un ejemplo de los patrones de producción de la organización política y las correlaciones entre las múltiples formas de organización política de la población por la política pública Promoción de la Igualdad Racial, aprobada por el legislativo y constitucional

Estado e sociedade civil no Acre (1970-1980)

The relation between State and civil society is not a very recent discussion, but it does not mean that debate is exhausted, since is in the historical context that the novelty is seized. Thinking like this, we may analyze how the relation between state and civil society happened in Acre during the decade of 1970. But, to understand how this relation is established in faraway Acre, we have available to the reader historical analyses, in a tireless attempt to clarify minimally aspects that characterize acreana society. To do this, we take on as a departure point, in general not differentiating of the given structure at national level, the conformation of this society was guided in a passive revolution, in another way, by high transformismo, relegating to the civil society, which is incipient, pífia a simple participation in the hegemonic policy direction. All this brings us to the thought that both state bureaucracy structure and the civil society organization, were influenced decisively for a traditional political elite. In addition, we begin the work with the lifting bibliographic reference searching and then we analyze the empirical reality, such as newspapers, official media publications and private, a few documents and last, interviews with political actors associated with the process consolidation of civil society in the 1970 decade. The interviewees were selected, firstly for their location in the region, and for their outstanding contribution to the consolidating process of recent Acre history. Thus, the interviews followed up on a semi-structured way, leading up, also, for the informations that the interviewees would have to pass on. The systematization and analysis of these surveys have shown us that, in the period before of the Acre Federal State lifting had, of course, a transformismo by high, but at 1970decade, the society with a more heterogeneous social formation, is not allowed, or at least, organize itself, to counter a systematic imposition. Thus, the hegemonic area of dispute between State and civil society occurs from the "reconciliation" with the adoption of public policies that amenizasse the dispute between both spheres, and to build up some bodies, settling a acreana civil society.

Política de turismo e desenvolvimento: uma avaliação do prodetur ii em Parnamirim/RN (2005-2012)

A dissertação avalia a efetividade do Programa de Desenvolvimento do Turismo na segunda fase (2005-2012) no município de Parnamirim/RN, busca-se verificar se este contribui para o desenvolvimento. Especificamente objetivou: a) Descrever as características e as ações do Programa de Desenvolvimento do Turismo no município de Parnamirim/RN; b) Identificar as percepções dos gestores públicos; da iniciativa privada e da sociedade civil a respeito da efetividade das ações do PRODETUR em Parnamirim e das repercussões do programa na qualidade de vida da população local; e c) Identificar as efetivações do PRODETUR na vida da população local que tenha participado de alguma ação do programa. Para tais pretensões, o percurso envolvendo a emergência e a consolidação do fenômeno turístico no seio da sociedade moderna, bem como o momento de intervenção do Estado no setor foi importante para verificar quais características estão imbuídas nas políticas públicas de turismo. Aliado a discussão do desenvolvimento para além do viés economicista, tendo as contribuições de Amartya Sen (desenvolvimento como liberdade) eixo norteador. Para a avaliação propriamente dita foram utilizadas as falas dos diversos atores locais envolvidos com o programa, compreendendo: gestão pública do turismo, iniciativa privada, sociedade civil e população local. Além de dados secundários coletados em instituições como IBGE e Secretaria Municipal/ Estadual de Turismo. Os resultados encontrados com a pesquisa nos mostraram que o PRODETUR II contribui com alguns elementos que podem cooperar para o desenvolvimento de Parnamirim/RN, pois este ocasiona efetivações significativas em cada bairro pesquisado. No entanto, é relevante observar que esses elementos estão aquém das reais possibilidades, uma vez que os resultados do programa poderiam ter sido mais substanciais. Neste sentido, ressaltamos que o fortalecimento da gestão pública e a mobilização da população local são elementos imprescindíveis para maior efetividade do PRODETUR nas próximas etapas

A política pública de segurança em Mossoró-RN: uma avaliação de processo da implantação da guarda civil (2009-2013)

The subject of public safety is part of the academic and popular discussions, due to several factors that act in society culminating in an increasing criminality. The importance of the evaluation of public policies in this context consists in a possible control tool, monitoring and necessary adjustments to the government to make the necessary changes. Given this reality, it is thought the research problem: how Mossoró (RN) city has implemented his public security policy? In general guideline of the research, we work with the following hypothesis: the own formulation of the National Policy of Public Safety there are elements that hinder the implementation of a public policy of municipal security in Mossoró. The objective of this research is to evaluate the existing security public policy in the city of Mossoró, by the elements that facilitate and/or hamper its implementation, through the actions of municipal government in the activities of the Mossoro Civil Guard (GCM). For this, a review of the implementation process was conducted, specifically its subprocesses of selection, training, and logistical or operational. Was used bibliographical research, documental primary and secondary, and field research, with conducting of interviews. It was found that with a staff of 197 guards, and with five years of creation, the actions developed by this institution refer to an early implementation of the municipal security policy. The guard has the basic pattern selection, part of function relocation and part of public tender. The formation occurs in an introductory way, however, not complete and specific, for the function performance. Its operability is limited by the number of existing effective and by the physical structure that has not matching the demand yet, which touches on the municipal budgetary reality of direct resource intended to safety. It was found the absence of a municipal plan of public security with principles, guidelines and goals that could direct the actions of the guard. It is concluded that despite of the implementation of the GCM Mossoró have not achieved, within the parameters of efficiency, efficacy and effectiveness have played their actions, projects and programs, it could trigger a process of opening for construction of a municipal security policy. As well as break with the paradigm of municipal actions just meant for surveillance of public property, interaction affirmative for the prevention of violence and crime

Democracia Possível: espaços institucionais, participação social e cultura política

The present study aims at making a theoretically reflection about the reconstruction process of democracy that can be observed in the country since the opening political process, which took place with the Geisel´s government in 1974, passing through the first civil president, in 1985, the Constitution process, in 1986, and finally the Constitution promulgation in 1988. It interests to this study analyses the premise that the 1988 Constitution inaugurates the moment in which democracy starts to be reconstructed in the country, and that this reconstruction is made in such a brand new way, once it included the possibility of participation of the civil society in the deliberation of the public politics, what became possible with the creation of new spaces of a gestion shared by the three executive powers: federal; states; municipalities, and with the civil society, in the councils created in those spheres. In this way, this work wishes to focus the opening process to the civil society participation, wich became possible with the creation of the city councils of public politics. It´s about investigating the form in wich the relations set up in these hibrid spaces could be considered democratic, inclusive and promoters of effective participation, checking up tendencies, giving emphasis to regularities and some specifities encountered in the forms of participation, which have been observed in those councils. In order to comprehend the democratic process in construction in the country, the analysis of the relations established by the civil society and the local executive power in the obligatory municipal councils is taken as object of study, passing by the tensions wich evolves institutions and political practices, permeated by the local political culture. It starts from a briefly review of works already made on the subject

Política de atenção à saúde do idoso em Mossoró/RN: potencialidades e possibilidades para promoção do envelhecimento saudável no estado do Rio Grande do Norte

It discusses the Health Care of the Elderly in the town of Mossoró, traversing the paths that discussed the history of health care, which has been altered by the new (con) formation and required adjustments of society which led the development and implementation of the National Health Care for the Elderly with the backdrop of the guiding principles of the Health System - SUS. The goals outlined were: To map the implementation of the policy of health care for the elderly in Mossoró considering whether this is based on the principles and guidelines of the NHS and National Health Policy of the Elderly; Check if health promotion is seen as a strategy that favors the elderly mossoroenses the possibility of healthy aging; identify the discourse of the elderly about the aging process and the strategies you use to take care of your needs. Applies as a methodological strategy BOAS, complemented by interviews with twenty (20) elderly residents of Mossoró with a view to understand the objective elements, and the political and subjective traits that express a regularity which marks the area of health care mossoroense elderly. The data were tabulated and the BOAS divided into nine sections for analysis. The speeches were transcribed seized and subjected to a thorough reading that allowed the visualization of issues that have been examined with theoretical and methodological support to the model proposed by Boaventura de Souza Santos (2006) designated this cosmopolitan reason being supported by three meta-sociological procedures, namely, the sociology of absences, the sociology of translation work and emergencies. It appears as a result the exclusion and discrimination of the elderly in different social settings, a condition that prevents them from being aware of their importance as citizens deserving of decent treatment and respect for the family, society and the government, when addressing health the elderly said the need to propose alternative models of care that has the paradigm of health promotion. We conclude that in these areas, meetings are held, to draw lines that were heterogeneous because they were built by the dissimilarities that engender incessantly and show that although we have advanced regarding the attention of the elderly in Mossoró there is still a long way to go in order to meet the needs revealed by the elderly. It is suggested that the practice of trial-creation-differentiation, while highlighting the historical and procedural dimension, deconstructions and negotiations with collective effects. A democratic paradigm and analytical creeps: the constitution are moments of Health Care for the Elderly shaping a new landscape in the town of Mossoró.

Liberdade de expressão artística: concepções filosóficas, fundamentalidade constitucional e política da pluralidade

The right to artistic expression, freedom granted in the western democratic constitutionalism, is a fundamental right that cyclically, compared to other cohesive rights of expression, has been forgotten and put in an irrelevant juridical-dogmatic position. The first reason for this behaviour that disesteems artistic freedom is the valorisation of rationalism and scientificism in the modern society, subordinating academic researches to utilitarianism, relegating the purpose of feelings and spirituality on men s elocution, therefore, we investigate, guided by philosophy, the attribution of art on human formation, due to its capacity in harmonising reason and emotion. After that, we affirm the fundamental right to artistic expression s autonomy in the 1988 valid constitutional order, after a comparative explanation of freedom in the Fundamental Laws of United States, Portugal, Spain and Germany; and the construction historic-constitutional of the same right in the Brazilian Constitutions. In this desiderate, the theoric mark chosen is the Liberal Theory of the fundamental rights, guiding the exam through jusfundamental dimensions: juridical-subjective and juridical-objective. Whilst the first, classical function of resistance, delimitates the protection area of the artistic expression right from its specific content, titularity and its constitutional and subconstitutional limits, the other one establishes it as cultural good of the Social Order, defining to the State its rendering duties of protection, formation and cultural promotion. We do not admit artistic communication, granted without legal reserve, to be transposed of restrictions that belong to other fundamental rights and, when its exercise collides with another fundamental right or juridical-constitutional good, the justification to a possible state intervention that tangentiates its protection area goes, necessarily, through the perquisition of the artist s animus, the used method, the many viable interpretations and, at last, the correct application of the proportionality criteria. The cultural public politics analysis, nevertheless, observes the pluralism principle of democratic substratum, developer of the cultural dialogue and opposed to patterns determined by the mass cultural industry. All powers are attached, on the scope of its typical attributions, to materialise public politics that have the cultural artistic good as its aim, due to the constant rule contained in §1, art. 5º of the Federal Constitution. However, the access and the incentive laws to culture must be constantly supervised by the constitutional parameter of fundamental right to equality

Política de democratização da gestãoescolar: um labirinto de sentidos, discursos e contradições?

Este estudio tiene por objeto investigar la política de democratización de la administración educativa de la consideración de los procesos socio-históricos que participaron en el programa de modernización de los paradigmas de administración, por la forma en que la política de descuentos y que se entiende por los sujetos dentro de la escuela. Se considera que la democracia defendida por la política de democratización de la educación por el neoliberalismo / gerencialismo, siendo el resultado de un acuerdo que aspira a dirigir la sociedad hegemónica, portador del gen, las diferentes concepciones de la democracia, por lo tanto, en su en el interior se colocan en posición, los elementos conceptuales de los diferentes proyectos de la sociedad. Por lo tanto, vamos a ver cómo, en el Estado Dom Escuela Nivaldo Monte, esta política se (re) significado y transformado por los sujetos, incluyendo las diferentes formas que se delinean en la dimensión de la democracia, autonomía, participación y representación. Aborda el tema de estudio en vista del materialismo histórico y dialéctico, por lo que consideramos que es posible examinar el objeto en sus fronteras, pero no de manera fragmentada o enajenados o la mediación de la determinación del capital económico, político, cultural y simbólica de la sociabilidad la globalización, para superar los matices asignado a estructuralista metodología de diseño teórico adoptado, usado, en el entendimiento de que considera que la macro y micro estructuras están formadas por una relación de complementariedad entre los procesos micro y macro. Entre nuestras conclusiones parciales, que argumentan que la gestión democrática y la gestión de la administración son diferentes formas de administración, antagónicos, aunque este efecto fue una especie de coincidencia, le distinguen: en primer lugar, si queremos apoyar la calidad de las escuelas públicas, y en segundo lugar que la organización de gestión crea las condiciones para la gestión democrática legal y legítimo, mientras que se establecen las condiciones que tanto impracticable y difícil como imposible y muy difícil de llevar a cabo la gestión de la administración que conduce a la conclusión de que, finalmente, la gestión democrática es imposible de llevarse a cabo por medio de la gerencia pública y la gerencia pública es imposible de llevarse a cabo por medio de la democracia. Sin embargo, la participación institucionalizada de la gerencia pública puede promover la extensión del control social sobre el estado y contribuir a la transformación social, que parece que está un reto difícil, pero no improbable, y es probable que se siga investigando.

Os conselhos como mecanismos de democratização da política educacional :participação e poder de decisão nas ações do Conselho de Controle Social do FUNDEF no município de Parnamirim/RN

This study board the FUNDEF social control council implementation in Parnamirim/RN city, concerning their representatives participation in the accompaniment (decision power) in resort, in front of governmental politics of decentralization, unleashed in 90´s, seen in decentralization process needs the society participation in decisions of educative institutions and represent an efficient way of solve the problems difficult the educational management actions. For this, the council creation of Brazil manager configure, since the 80´s, detaching, and the single characterizing, in actual context. The objective is raise pertinent questions of thematic of representatives members participation of collegiate organs, evidencing the decision power of these, in public resource control. The theory-methodological referential the literature treat the participation and power decision of FUNDEF social control decision, such as politics directrix that rules this council. It utilizes as proceeding of collecting data the semi-structured interview and analyze of meeting register to understand the empirics of council implantation in this city, in view of that the electoral process configured in 2003, showed as a innovation, because the counselor is indicated by the local public power representatives (in this case the education municipal secretary). The research result show the representatives have difficult, to accompany the FUNDEF resources amount, particularly in concern in the financial resources (ratio) over plus. Finally, emphasize the importance of democratization in the relations between the state and civil society, elucidating and exciting reflections a: democratic participation in control of public recourses for education, educational management and civil society mobilization in access of public and cultural cash which the citizen has rights

Papéis e funções dos profissionais dos serviços e política de saúde mental em Natal (RN)

A assistência psiquiátrica e as políticas de atenção à saúde mental passaram por diversas transformações, marcadas ora por avanços, ora por retrocessos centrados no estigma, desinteresse e preconceito que ainda permeiam a sociedade e o senso comum. Este estudo objetivou analisar o processo de reforma psiquiátrica e a política de saúde mental do Município de Natal/RN a partir dos papéis e funções dos profissionais de nível superior dos serviços substitutivos em saúde mental. Trata-se de uma pesquisa analítica, transversal, com dados quantitativos e qualitativos, realizada nos sete serviços substitutivos de saúde mental de Natal, entre os meses de março a agosto de 2013, após aprovação do estudo pelo Comitê de Ética em Pesquisa da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, Parecer nº 217.808, CAAE: 10650612.8.1001.5537, em 01 de março de 2013. A amostra por conveniência compôs-se por 65 profissionais de nível superior das equipes de saúde mental. Utilizou-se um questionário com questões fechadas e semiabertas sobre o perfil socioeconômico, as políticas, as práticas e a formação em saúde mental. Tabularam-se e submeteram-se as respostas das questões fechadas do questionário no programa estatístico SPSS versão 20.0, analisando-os por meio de estatística descritiva, com a formulação de gráficos e tabelas. Para verificar o nível de significância, adotando-se p-valor<0,05, optou-se pela aplicação dos testes qui-quadrado e exato de Fisher. Submeteram-se os dados das questões semiabertas ao software ALCESTE e à luz da análise de conteúdo de Bardin. O perfil dos participantes caracterizou-se por maioria do sexo feminino (79%), faixa etária de 36 a 55 anos (52%), média de 42 anos, carga horária de 40 horas semanais (62%), tempo de conclusão da graduação de 6 a 15 anos (57%), trabalhavam na área de saúde mental há menos de 10 anos (72%) e na instituição pesquisada há 5 anos ou menos (52%). Da amostra estudada, 86% atendiam grupos de usuários, 97% realizavam atendimento individual, 94% observavam o comportamento do paciente, 92% realizavam atendimento familiar, utilizando, principalmente, a abordagem cognitiva (28%). Os dados qualitativos originaram cinco categorias: Formação acadêmica e atuação em saúde mental; Ausência de capacitação e supervisão em saúde mental; Dificuldades da prática profissional nos serviços substitutivos de saúde mental; Trabalho em equipe: entre acertos e conflitos; Política Nacional de Saúde Mental: uma realidade ainda distante. Detectou-se adequabilidade dos papéis e funções dos profissionais quanto ao tempo de trabalho na saúde mental e na instituição pesquisada; no atendimento e atividades individuais; na promoção de ações visando à autonomia do paciente; no atendimento em grupo de pacientes; e, em parte, à família/familiar dos portadores de transtorno mental, havendo inadequação quanto ao atendimento aos grupos de familiares (52.3%), à formação especializada em saúde mental (69.2%; p=0,02) e às dificuldades de trabalho nos serviços (87.7%). Evidenciou-se adequação nos papéis e nas funções d esenvolvidas pelos profissionais nos serviços substitutivos em saúde mental de Natal, embora convivendo em seu cotidiano com inúmeras dificuldades encontradas no desenvolvimento de suas práticas profissiona is frente às condições de trabalho

Política, canção e teatro: o conto Aqueles Dois de Caio Fernando Abreu reverberando no cotidiano brasileiro

Quand on se plonge sur l‟oeuvre de Caio Fernando Abreu, on est forcement mené à faire une profonde analyse social qui résulte dans une grande bataille entre l‟amour, la société et la politique. Cette Memoire de Master, Politique, chanson et théâtre : Le conte « Ces deux-là » de Caio Fernando Abreu répercute au quotidien brésilien, montre que la plongé faite ici cherche à analyser, à partir d‟une perspective comparative, les angles observés par l‟auteur dans son oeuvre écrite pendant les années de la Dictature Militaire brésilienne, l‟influence des Beatles et du musicien/poète Caetano Veloso avec le mouvement du Tropicalismo. Dans ce travail, on observe le rôle du narrateur au sein du développement du conte comme représentation de la société irrémédiable et comme cette narrative s‟ajuste en mode théâtral. La lecture de cette memoire est basée sur l‟analyse du conte « Ces deux-là », du livre Fraises Moisies, et l‟influence de la musique Strawberry Fields Forever, des Beatles chez l‟écriture de l‟auteur, ainsi que les discussions sur les images présentent dans la narrative comme la structure essentielle pour le processus du montage du spectacle homonyme par la Cia. Luna Lunera, Minas Gerais, à partir du mécanisme de la traduction, du littéraire au scénique, appuyée sur les idées de Patrice Pavis

Homoafetividade e abertura política em contos de Caio Fernando Abreu

This text aims to study the literary representation of homoaffectivity in short stories of Caio Fernando Abreu in the context of brazilian redemocratization, specifically in the narratives published between 1982 and 1988. To understand the relation between literature and historical context in the tales, we betake, principally, to a notion of Literature and Society, as proposed for Antonio Candido. Relating the narratives of Caio Fernando Abreu with the military dictatorship and the redemocratization processes, as well as a generational project named contraculture, we aim to verify as the search for affection for men that desire others men may be conditioned for specific socio-hystorical conditions, understanding the literary work as a privileged field of representation and comprehension of reality

A falta de ética e de espírito público na política brasileira

Unfortunately, the Brazilian politics has been characterized by lack of ethics. In a few exceptions, our representatives often behave in the exercise of power as if they were there to care for their own interests and not public affairs. Despite the dissatisfaction that the situation seems to trigger to society, the electorate does not get to transform their anger into effective gesture in order to withdraw from the public setting people who can not fulfill their mandate at the polls. Instead, the re-election of bad politicians has become commonplace fact. In this study, we proposed to discuss the matter in light of traditional philosophical theories, by selecting exponents of ethical thought from the Ancient Period to the Modern. We put special emphasis on behalf of amorality in Florentine thinker's ideas, to Machiavelli s political doctrine.