O Plano Diretor como instrumento de gestão da cidade: o caso da cidade de Fortaleza/CE

According to article 182 of the Brazilian Federal Constitution, cities should perform social function, what brings the concept that the city should be a place for one to live well. For that to happen, it should be well administered by its public managers. However, so that there is a sound administration, one that really performs that social function, there must be, first, an efficient planning. We understand that such a thing occurs when the master plan is the main planning instrument of a city and serves as basis for its administration. We notice, however, that in most of the cities the master plan is formulated as a law that regulates urban planning but that both the population and the government most of the times are not aware of its importance concerning the relevant issues related to municipal administration, such as its relationship with the economy, taxation, the social issue, land use regulation, and, in summary, with all the aspects that constitute and that a municipal government should manage in the best possible way. One also knows that, in general, the attempt of city planning has always been connected to the duration of a mandate and that way public managers many times implement restricted measures aiming to just attain a political-electoral objective and publicizing their administration. That implies actions and works that in some cases have negative impacts or ones that cannot be removed from the cities. This study intends to show that the master plan should be the planning instrument guiding the municipal administration but that, however, what we note is a lack of connection between that instrument and the government guidelines of the municipal managers. In order to study what happens to the cities that have a planning which is not taken into account in its administration, we will use the city of Fortaleza, capital of the State of Ceará as a case study. Historically, in Fortaleza the public managers have seldom decided to administer the city in according to the master plans developed for it. We should emphasize that planning begins in the city quite late and until the current days it is being substituted by temporary measures. Through the analysis of the planning process and of the urban management of the city of Fortaleza, especially the master plans predicted since 1933, we explain that if such plans had been implemented, they could have been important tools for its administration to attain a social function, becoming therefore a place for one to live well

Assessing the impacts of community participation policy and practice in Scotland and England

Background: Community participation has become an integral part of many areas of public policy over the last two decades. For a variety of reasons, ranging from concerns about social cohesion and unrest to perceived failings in public services, governments in the UK and elsewhere have turned to communities as both a site of intervention and a potential solution. In contemporary policy, the shift to community is exemplified by the UK Government’s Big Society/Localism agenda and the Scottish Government’s emphasis on Community Empowerment. Through such policies, communities have been increasingly encouraged to help themselves in various ways, to work with public agencies in reshaping services, and to become more engaged in the democratic process. These developments have led some theorists to argue that responsibilities are being shifted from the state onto communities, representing a new form of 'government through community' (Rose, 1996; Imrie and Raco, 2003). Despite this policy development, there is surprisingly little evidence which demonstrates the outcomes of the different forms of community participation. This study attempts to address this gap in two ways. Firstly, it explores the ways in which community participation policy in Scotland and England are playing out in practice. And secondly, it assesses the outcomes of different forms of community participation taking place within these broad policy contexts. Methodology: The study employs an innovative combination of the two main theory-based evaluation methodologies, Theories of Change (ToC) and Realist Evaluation (RE), building on ideas generated by earlier applications of each approach (Blamey and Mackenzie, 2007). ToC methodology is used to analyse the national policy frameworks and the general approach of community organisations in six case studies, three in Scotland and three in England. The local evidence from the community organisations’ theories of change is then used to analyse and critique the assumptions which underlie the Localism and Community Empowerment policies. Alongside this, across the six case studies, a RE approach is utilised to examine the specific mechanisms which operate to deliver outcomes from community participation processes, and to explore the contextual factors which influence their operation. Given the innovative methodological approach, the study also engages in some focused reflection on the practicality and usefulness of combining ToC and RE approaches. Findings: The case studies provide significant evidence of the outcomes that community organisations can deliver through directly providing services or facilities, and through influencing public services. Important contextual factors in both countries include particular strengths within communities and positive relationships with at least part of the local state, although this often exists in parallel with elements of conflict. Notably this evidence suggests that the idea of responsibilisation needs to be examined in a more nuanced fashion, incorporating issues of risk and power, as well the active agency of communities and the local state. Thus communities may sometimes willingly take on responsibility in return for power, although this may also engender significant risk, with the balance between these three elements being significantly mediated by local government. The evidence also highlights the impacts of austerity on community participation, with cuts to local government budgets in particular increasing the degree of risk and responsibility for communities and reducing opportunities for power. Furthermore, the case studies demonstrate the importance of inequalities within and between communities, operating through a socio-economic gradient in community capacity. This has the potential to make community participation policy regressive as more affluent communities are more able to take advantage of additional powers and local authorities have less resource to support the capacity of more disadvantaged communities. For Localism in particular, the findings suggest that some of the ‘new community rights’ may provide opportunities for communities to gain power and generate positive social outcomes. However, the English case studies also highlight the substantial risks involved and the extent to which such opportunities are being undermined by austerity. The case studies suggest that cuts to local government budgets have the potential to undermine some aspects of Localism almost entirely, and that the very limited interest in inequalities means that Localism may be both ‘empowering the powerful’ (Hastings and Matthews, 2014) and further disempowering the powerless. For Community Empowerment, the study demonstrates the ways in which community organisations can gain power and deliver positive social outcomes within the broad policy framework. However, whilst Community Empowerment is ostensibly less regressive, there are still significant challenges to be addressed. In particular, the case studies highlight significant constraints on the notion that communities can ‘choose their own level of empowerment’, and the assumption of partnership working between communities and the local state needs to take into account the evidence of very mixed relationships in practice. Most importantly, whilst austerity has had more limited impacts on local government in Scotland so far, the projected cuts in this area may leave Community Empowerment vulnerable to the dangers of regressive impact highlighted for Localism. Methodologically, the study shows that ToC and RE can be practically applied together and that there may be significant benefits of the combination. ToC offers a productive framework for policy analysis and combining this with data derived from local ToCs provides a powerful lens through which to examine and critique the aims and assumptions of national policy. ToC models also provide a useful framework within which to identify specific causal mechanisms, using RE methodology and, again, the data from local ToC work can enable significant learning about ‘what works for whom in what circumstances’ (Pawson and Tilley, 1997).

The growth prerogative: how does an objective of economic growth influence local planning policy?

This research aimed to explore the privileging of growth and its influence on planning in England. The research examined two contrasting case studies: Middlesbrough Borough Council and Cambridge City Council. The analysis of growth privileging is rooted within a constructionist ontology which argues that planning is about the way in which people construct value relative to the function of land. This perspective enables the research to position growth privileging as a social construction; a particular mental frame for understanding and analyzing place based challenges and an approach which has been increasingly absorbed by the UK planning community. Through interviews with a range of planning actors, the first part of the research examined the state of planning in the current political and economic context and the influence that a privileging of growth has on planning. The second part of the research investigated the merits and feasibility of the capabilities approach as an alternative mental frame for planning, an approach developed through the work of Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum. The research results disaggregate the concept of economic growth, based on the responses of interviewees and conclude that it is characterized by homogeneity. Growth is valued, not only because of its economic role, for example, supporting jobs and income but its potential in creating diversity, enriching culture and precipitating transformative change. Pursuing growth as an objective has a range of influences upon planning. In particular, it supports a utilitarian framework for decision-making which values spatial decisions on their ability to support aggregate economic growth. The research demonstrates the feasibility and merits of the capabilities approach as a means with which to better understand the relationship between planning and human flourishing. Based on this analysis, the research proposes that the capabilities approach can provide an alternative ‘mental frame’ for planning which privileges human flourishing as the primary objective or ‘final end’ instead of economic growth.

Modelo para distribuição de recursos nos municípios brasileiros baseado na lei de diretrizes orçamentárias, análise multicritério e programação linear

The municipal management in any country of the globe requires planning and allocation of resources evenly. In Brazil, the Law of Budgetary Guidelines (LDO) guides municipal managers toward that balance. This research develops a model that seeks to find the balance of the allocation of public resources in Brazilian municipalities, considering the LDO as a parameter. For this using statistical techniques and multicriteria analysis as a first step in order to define allocation strategies, based on the technical aspects arising from the municipal manager. In a second step, presented in linear programming based optimization where the objective function is derived from the preference of the results of the manager and his staff. The statistical representation is presented to support multicriteria development in the definition of replacement rates through time series. The multicriteria analysis was structured by defining the criteria, alternatives and the application of UTASTAR methods to calculate replacement rates. After these initial settings, an application of linear programming was developed to find the optimal allocation of enforcement resources of the municipal budget. Data from the budget of a municipality in southwestern Paraná were studied in the application of the model and analysis of results.

Relações de cooperação em consórcios públicos de regiões metropolitanas: análises do CONDIAM/PB e consórcio grande Recife

With the disorganized decentralization occurred in Brazil after the 1988 Constitution, municipalities have risen to the level of federal entities. This phenomenon became known as "municipalism" also brought some negative effects such as low capacity financial, economic and political of these entities. In the face of this reality , the municipalities sought in models of collaborative features to address public policy issues ultrarregionais, one of these models are the Public Consortia. Characterized as the organization of all federal entities that aim to solve public policy implementation alone that they could not, or spend great resources for such. This reality of the municipalities have an aggravating factor when looking at the situation in Metropolitan Regions (MRs). This is because the RMs has a historical process of formation that does not encourage cooperation, since that were created top-down during the military regime. Furthermore, the metropolitan municipalities have significant power asymmetries, localist vision, rigidity earmarked revenues, different scenarios conurbation, difficulty standardization of concepts and others that contribute to the vision of low cooperation of these metropolitan areas. Thus, the problem of this work is in the presence of collaborative arrangements, such as the Public Consortia in metropolitan areas, which are seen as areas of low cooperation. To elucidate this research was used for analysis the cases of CONDIAM/PB and Consórcio Grande Recife/PE, because they are apparently antagonistic, but with some points of similarity. The cases has as foundation the Theory of Common Resources, which provides the possibility of collective action through the initiative of individuals. This theory has as its methodology for analyzing the picture IAD Framework, which proposes its analysis based on three axes: external variables, the arena of action and results. The nature of the method of this research was classified as exploratory and descriptive. For the stage of date analysis, was used the method of document analysis and content, Further than of separation of the cases according to theur especificities. At the end of the study, noted that the CONDIAM/PB was a strategy of municipal government of Joao Pessoa to attract funds from the Federal Government for the purpose of to build a landfill, and over the years the ideology of cooperation was left aside, the prevailing view localist municipalities. In the case of Consórcio Grande Recife/PE, members act with some degree of cooperation, especially the collaborative aspect of the region, however, still prevails with greater strength the power of the state of Pernambuco in the decisions and paths of the consortium. Thus, was conclude that the Public Consortia analyzed are an experience of collaborative arrangement, from the initiative of members, as the theory of common resources says, but has not actually signed as a practice of collective action to overcome the dilemmas faced by metropolitan areas

O Plano Diretor como instrumento de gestão da cidade: o caso da cidade de Fortaleza/CE

According to article 182 of the Brazilian Federal Constitution, cities should perform social function, what brings the concept that the city should be a place for one to live well. For that to happen, it should be well administered by its public managers. However, so that there is a sound administration, one that really performs that social function, there must be, first, an efficient planning. We understand that such a thing occurs when the master plan is the main planning instrument of a city and serves as basis for its administration. We notice, however, that in most of the cities the master plan is formulated as a law that regulates urban planning but that both the population and the government most of the times are not aware of its importance concerning the relevant issues related to municipal administration, such as its relationship with the economy, taxation, the social issue, land use regulation, and, in summary, with all the aspects that constitute and that a municipal government should manage in the best possible way. One also knows that, in general, the attempt of city planning has always been connected to the duration of a mandate and that way public managers many times implement restricted measures aiming to just attain a political-electoral objective and publicizing their administration. That implies actions and works that in some cases have negative impacts or ones that cannot be removed from the cities. This study intends to show that the master plan should be the planning instrument guiding the municipal administration but that, however, what we note is a lack of connection between that instrument and the government guidelines of the municipal managers. In order to study what happens to the cities that have a planning which is not taken into account in its administration, we will use the city of Fortaleza, capital of the State of Ceará as a case study. Historically, in Fortaleza the public managers have seldom decided to administer the city in according to the master plans developed for it. We should emphasize that planning begins in the city quite late and until the current days it is being substituted by temporary measures. Through the analysis of the planning process and of the urban management of the city of Fortaleza, especially the master plans predicted since 1933, we explain that if such plans had been implemented, they could have been important tools for its administration to attain a social function, becoming therefore a place for one to live well

Governmentality and the reflection of legal educators : assessment practices as a case study

This paper presents a conceptual framework, informed by Foucault’s work on governmentality, which allows for new kinds of reflection on the practice of legal education. Put simply, this framework suggests that legal education can be understood as a form of government that relies on a specific rationalisation and programming of the activities of legal educators, students, and administrators, and is implemented by harnessing specific techniques and bodies of ‘know-how’. Applying this framework to assessment at three Australian law schools, this paper highlights how assessment practices are rationalised, programmed, and implemented, and points out how this government shapes students’ legal personae. In particular, this analysis focuses on the governmental effects of pedagogical discourses that are dominant within the design and scholarship of legal education. It demonstrates that the development of pedagogically-sound regimes of assessment has contributed to a reformulation of the terrain of government, by providing the conditions under which forms of legal personae may be more effectively shaped, and extending the power relations that achieve this. This analysis provides legal educators with an original way of reflecting on the power effects of teaching the law, and new opportunities for thinking about what is possible in legal education.

Grenada, Education and Revolution, 1979-83

Grenada’s New Jewel Movement, led by Maurice Bishop, was the first indigenous political grouping in the history of the English-speaking Caribbean to overthrow an existing government by armed force. Yet most of the four and a half years of the Revolution (1979-83) were characterized by considerable popular support for the new People’s Revolutionary Government before it came to it’s tragic, unexpected and shocking end in October 1983. Social, economic and political change seems possible in the 1970s and ‘80s. People in newly decolonizing countries were encouraged by the beginnings of the Non-Aligned Movement of Third World nations demanding new international economic order that would win them some economic justice after the ravages of colonialism. People also saw that some radical regimes, such as that led by Michael Manley in Jamaica and the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, were articulating and implementing basic rights that held the promise of countering the social and political oppression that they had endured throughout the centuries of colonial history. A majority of Grenadians committed themselves to fighting by the side of the People’s Revolutionary Government for such new goals. This chapter will analyse how the Grenada Revolution reconceptualised the education, planned new goals, and implemented bold new educational policies. It will discuss the extent to which the government and people were able to reshape education as a tool for national reconstruction and the raising of national consciousness.

Retailer-driven agricultural restructuring - Australia, the UK and Norway in comparison

In recent decades, the governance of food safety, food quality, on-farm environmental management and animal welfare has been shifting from the realm of 'the government' to that of the private sector. Corporate entities, especially the large supermarkets, have responded to neoliberal forms of governance and the resultant 'hollowed-out' state by instituting private standards for food, backed by processes of certification and policed through systems of third party auditing. Today's food regime is one in which supermarkets impose 'private standards' along the food supply chain to ensure compliance with a range of food safety goals-often above and beyond those prescribed by government. By examining regulatory governance in Australia, Norway and the United Kingdom we highlight emerging trajectories of food governance. We argue that the imposition of the new private forms of monitoring and compliance continue the project of agricultural restructuring that began with government support for structural adjustment schemes in agriculture and that these are most evident in the UK and Australia where neoliberalism is an entrenched philosophy. However, despite Norway's identity as a social democracy, we also identify neoliberal 'creep' into the system of food governance. Small-scale producers in all three nations are finding themselves increasingly subject to governance through private, market-based mechanisms that, to varying degrees, are dominated by major supermarket chains. The result is agricultural restructuring not through the traditional avenues of elected governments, but via non-elected market operatives.

Mediated politics in Australia : towards a qualitative evaluation

The debate about the democratic significance of these trends—a more aggressively inquisitorial media environment, greater public participation in political communication, a more accessible and transparent (at least in appearance) political class—continues, not least in Australia. This essay was written in the first half of 2013, a time of extreme political volatility in Australia, and in the run-up to a general election following three years of minority Labor government. By that stage in the political cycle, Prime Minister Julia Gillard had survived not one but two attempts at leadership “spills”, ministers had resigned or been sacked for disloyalty to the leader, major policy initiatives had been dumped, reversed or quietly dropped, and a Coalition opposition was confidently looking forward to a landslide majority in the election of September that year. Labor’s internal party turmoil, rather than the Coalition’s policy prospectus (which remained sketchy and vague right up to the eve of the election), were widely assumed to be the cause of the former’s poor standing in the opinion polls.

Food aid and food production: A theoretical analysis

It has been claimed that food aid leads to permanent dependency as it depresses domestic food prices and thus farmers find it profitable to take land out of food production and into more lucrative activities. This paper develops two alternative scenarios under which the hypothesis about the damaging effect of food aid may not be true. Under the first scenario, it is argued that food production in developing countries is often low due to unfavourable trade policies and if food aid is tied to the removal of bias against the agricultural sector, food aid will not have any disincentive effect on food production. The second exercise argues that the revenue raised by the recipient government by selling aid could be used for R and D in agricultural production.

Näkökulmia eurooppalaiseen sosiaalipolitiikkaan : malli, väestö, resurssit ja kommunikaatio

The study analyses European social policy as a political project that proceeds under the guidance of the European Commission. In the name of modernisation, the project aims to build a new idea for the welfare state. To understand the project, it is necessary to distance oneself from both the juridical competence of the European Union and the traditional national welfare state models. The question is about sharing problems, as well as solutions to them: it is the creation and sharing of common views, concepts and images that play a key role in European integration. Drawing on texts and speeches produced by the European Commission, the study throws light on the development of European social policy during the first years of the 2000s. The study "freeze-frames" the welfare debate having its starting points in the nation states in the name of the entity of Europe. The first article approaches the European social model as a story in itself, a preparatory, persuasive narrative that concerns the management of change. The article shows how the audience can be motivated to work towards a set target by using discursive elements in a persuasive manner: the function of a persuasive story is to convince the target audience of the appropriateness of the chosen direction and to shape their identity so that they are favourably disposed to the desired political targets. This is a kind of "intermediate state" where the story, despite its inner contradictions and inaccuracies, succeeds in appearing as an almost self-evident path towards a modern social policy that Europe is currently seen to be in need of. The second article outlines the European social model as a question of governance. Health as a sector of social policy is detached from the old political order, which was based on the welfare state, and is closely linked to economy. At the same time the population is primarily seen as an economic resource. The Commission is working towards a "Europe of Health" that grapples with the problem of governance with the help of the "healthisation" of society, healthy citizenship and health economics. The way the Commission speaks is guided by the Union's powerful interest to act as "Europe" in the field of welfare policy. At the same time, the traditional separateness of health policy is effaced in order to be able to make health policy reforms a part of the Union's wider modernisation targets. The third article then shows the European social policy as its own area of governance. The article uses an approach based on critical discourse analysis in examining the classification systems and presentation styles adopted by Commission communications, as well as the identities that they help build. In analysing the "new start" of the Lisbon strategy from the perspective of social policy, the article shows how the emphasis has shifted from the persuasive arguments for change with necessary common European targets in the early stages of the strategy towards the implementation of reforms: from a narrative to a vision and from a diagnosis to healing. The phase of global competition represents "the modern" with which European society with its culture and ways of life now has to be matched. The Lisbon strategy is a way to direct this societal change, thus building a modern European social policy. The fourth article describes how the Commission uses its communications policy to build practices and techniques of governance and how it persuades citizens to participate in the creation of a European project of change. This also requires a new kind of agency: agents for whom accountability and responsibilities mean integration into and commitment to European society. Accountability is shaped into a decisive factor in implementing the European Union's strategy of change. As such it will displace hierarchical confrontations and emphasise common action with a view to modernising Europe. However, the Union's discourse cannot be described as being a political language that would genuinely rouse and convince the audience at the level of everyday life. Keywords: European social policy, EU policy, European social model, European Commission, modernisation of welfare, welfare state, communications, discoursiveness.

Políticas públicas y desigualdades regionales en la distribución del ingreso en la Argentina

Resumen: El análisis de los indicadores de ingresos, desigualdad y pobreza en cada uno de los 32 centros urbanos muestra las grandes disparidades regionales de la Argentina. En la Zona Norte del país el ingreso per capita es un 35% inferior al promedio nacional, la pobreza es 4 veces mayor que en la capital y la distribución del ingreso es más desigual. Los datos estadísticos disponibles indican que el crecimiento económico y las políticas públicas que se han implementado recientemente han reducido los niveles de pobreza agregados, pero han tenido poco impacto en las regiones más pobres del país. Por otra parte, el impacto distributivo de las políticas y programas públicos en la Argentina es reducido cuando se los compara con lo que sucede en los países mas desarrollados. Se requiere el diseño y la implementación de nuevas políticas públicas de reducción de la pobreza que se focalicen en los problemas y dificultades específicas que enfrentan las regiones más pobres. Entre ellas se destaca la necesidad de políticas para disminuir la alta informalidad del empleo que caracteriza a estas zonas. Por otra parte, las nuevas políticas deberían transferir las responsabilidades y premiar los esfuerzos propios de los gobiernos locales, reemplazando la actual “cultura de la dependencia” de los programas del gobierno central por un desarrollo institucional local que enfatice la gestión eficiente de las administraciones públicas provinciales y el desarrollo del capital social local.

Comissão parlamentar de inquérito, representação proporcional e minoria parlamentar : estudo de caso

Verifica, por meio de estudo de caso, se o direito da Minoria de propor a criação de Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito - CPIs - é usurpado pela composição das Comissões pelo sistema de representação proporcional, que dá à Maioria superioridade de votos nas decisões das CPIs. Analisa dados numéricos e de conteúdo das notas taquigráficas da chamada CPI da Crise do Tráfego Aéreo, para verificar o uso da palavra pelos membros de cada partido representado na Comissão, a votação das propostas oferecidas à CPI e o relatório final. Nos resultados apurados verifica-se que, apesar do contundente uso da palavra pela Minoria e dos requerimentos apresentados, visando responsabilizar órgãos do Governo Federal pela insuficiência na formação dos controladores de vôo e de equipamentos de controle, de irregularidades nos processos licitatórios para construção e manutenção de aeroportos, o resultado da votação é favorável ao Governo Federal pelo voto da Maioria governista.

A agenda do desenvolvimento na promoção dos direitos humanos: uma análise da política externa brasileira no governo Lula

Os direitos humanos consolidaram um conjunto de valores ético-políticos considerados fundamentais para assegurar o respeito à dignidade do ser humano. A problemática do desenvolvimento é fundamental para as considerações de política externa de países como o Brasil. A consagração do Direito ao Desenvolvimento (DaD) como um direito humano desafia a divisão artificial dos direitos humanos e revela a evolução temática deste campo de estudo. Essa dissertação usa o instrumental dos direitos humanos para avaliar a relevância e a singularidade de algumas posições brasileiras. Após uma dissonância observada nos anos 1970, reflexo do ciclo autoritário por que passava o país, verificou-se postura cooperativa do Brasil nas proposições que versavam sobre o DaD. No mesmo sentido, observou-se que, conquanto não seja conceito recorrente no discurso oficial brasileiro, as posições do país, no que dizem respeito ao modelo de desenvolvimento defendido e aos direitos humanos, autorizam a inferência de que há uma harmonia em relação aos princípios fundamentais dispostos na Declaração sobre o DaD, de 1986. Da análise das posições brasileiras, tornou-se possível particularizar a política externa do governo Lula. Do levantamento das variáveis internas e externas que exercem influência sobre a formulação política do governo, bem como das iniciativas públicas e dos discursos oficiais, encontramos alguma evidência empírica no sentido de que a política externa brasileira para os direitos humanos, na administração de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, passa por um viés de promoção do desenvolvimento e de crítica à ordem internacional. A política se singulariza por incorporar uma dimensão de valores à crítica. Com isso, harmoniza-se com as posições defendidas pelo país nos plenários internacionais, onde o tema do DaD tem sido objeto de debate.