1000 resultados para Moção rejeição do programa do Governo


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In Brazil, the Free Political advertising time (HGPE) represents one of the main venues for the contest between political parties, revealing a tool that streamlines the electoral dispute and enables all sectors and social classes of important information about dispute over candidates. In HGPE, political groups have the opportunity to present their programs of government and discuss issues that relate to the demands of the population. This research sought to examine the role played by so-called "government programs" in the electoral race for governor of Rio Grande do Norte in 2006, which had as main candidates, two traditional characters of the political landscape in Natal: Wilma de Faria (PSB) and Garibaldi Alves Filho (PMDB). According to our analysis, discussion of government programs such candidates in HGPE had not meant to enlighten the voters about the political projects designed, not just the desire to build an image of seriousness and competence of candidates, but appeared as a means to meet the schedule imposed by the opponent and as a strategic resource to select a specific segment of the electorate.

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This work aims to analyze the interpretations about Evo Morales' government in Bolivia. For such, it proposes a theoretical reclaim of Marxism in Latin America, as well as of Bolivian political history since the 1952 Revolution, going through the crisis in Pacted Democracy intensified in the five-year conjuncture of struggles started in 2000 up to the election and reelection of Morales. It departs from an empirical prior conjecture taken from a qualitative analysis and a broad literature review to analyze the different interpretations of the Bolivian political process from Marxist theoretical matrices. After this historical recovery and this reading of contemporary Bolivia, it concludes with a consideration about the formation of a possible new block of power in the country, with the retaking of nationalism and Indianism as revolutionary reasons

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Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection

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Historically the provision of childcare facilities in Brazil was short of demand. This problem affects a large part of the population and has a tendency to worsen, due to the accelerated decline in the number of parents of dedication exclusive family. The program called "Nova Semente" seeks to accelerate the creation of childcare facilities in the county, enabling the opening of units at low cost and in record time, through partnerships between government, non-governmental and civil society organizations. This study conducted a process evaluation of the implementation of public policy, to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the policy. In real terms, this paper seeks to understand the motivation for the development of the program, identifying the reasons set out in the project match what is being sent; Understand how it is giving practical partnership between the government entity and the entities "non-state"; Identify the degree of achievement of goals that should be met even in the implementation phase; verify employment of instruments provided for its implementation. For this, the literature of public policy evaluation is used, and fits the criteria and mechanisms for analysis in the assessment of efficacy, to answer the question motivating the work, which deals with uncertainty about the durability of the Program. the framework is the criteria and mechanisms for analysis in the assessment of efficacy, to answer the question motivating the work, which deals with uncertainty about the durability of the Program

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This work has a study object the main thinking work of Johan Kaspar Schmidt well known as Max Stirner (1806-1856) - originally titled (in German), Der Einzige und sein Eigentun, and translated into Portuguese by the Portuguese publisher Antígona in 2004, under the title The Unique and its Ownership. This book was known in 1844 although its publication dated 1845 seen that the censor of that time rejected the publication request in that year - saying that ( ) in concrete passages of that work, not only God, Christ, the church and the religion are usually object of proposal blasphemy, but also because all social order, the state and the government are defined as something that should not exist simultaneously as one justifies the lie, perjury, the murder and suicide and denies the ownership right. After this first attack and rejection by its bearing the unique come to be others target, due practically to all the philosophical political thinkers its time including thinkers like Ludwig Feuerbach and Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels in spite of, on the other hand, having inspired formulations and reformulations of many of those thinkers that were against then in their times, as well as those thinkers that came after then such as Nietzsche himself. Even though this work was be victim of powerful attempts of erasing it of history, it has shown a great repercussion power and that is the main reason that led us to ask the following questions what is its big originality? , how could his author arrive at a so impactant perspective? What is its most legitimate political place? We endeavored in elaborate answers to those questions trough the exegesis of its text, taking in account both the scholarship environment where the author produced his intellectual life set - and the detailed reading of texts linked to discussion in focus, where this reading is always based upon the meaning and senses traced by the texts and its contexts as a precaution against the limits and the traps of the readings which shed light markedly on strict letter of the phrases constructs. Ours conclusions point at to the idea that a work like this , that subverts the characteristic ways of thought of the modernity, completely, continues being a utter odds, without rank in the history of thought and the moderns political practices, finding parallel possibility only, in a very special way, with a certain autharchic perspective of Ancient Greece

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

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This work aims at developing an evaluation of the implementation of the Program Escola Ativa as a public policy for rural schools with combined grade classrooms in Jardim do Seridó RN (1998 2009) focusing on the following dimensions: school s physical environment, training, follow up, and didactic usage of the methodology. In order to develop this research we refer to the literature that analyzes the cycle of policies (FREY, 2000). In this approach, evaluation represents an important step in the process of analyzing the implementation of public policies, as a way of measuring up their performance, as well as a guide for realignments and redefinitions (PRESSMAN; WILDAVSKY, 1998). In order to accomplish this function, the evaluator of policies must be acquainted with scientific concepts and methods that consist of describing, interpreting and analyzing the policies in the governmental sphere (MENY; THOENIG, 1992; LIMA JÚNIOR, 1978). In this perspective, we intend to investigate whether in its proposition of minimizing the blanks in the Brazilian educational system, the implementation of the Program would be contributing to the improvement of the political-pedagogical practices in the rural schools with combined grade classrooms in Jardim do Seridó RN. In order to do this research, we have developed a theoretical-methodological matrix made of analysis dimensions, variables, indicators and instruments, such as literary revision, documental analysis, semi-structured interviews with four teachers and three supervisors that work and/or have worked in Escola Ativa in that town in the period comprised among 1998 2009, besides notes taken from field observation and photographs from four rural schools with combined grade classrooms. With this research we have identified that the Program, at a national level, has gone through different phases in its implementation process, for the town was not ready to fully take the responsibilities of the autonomous expansion, in 2002. From that period on, the execution of Escola Ativa has suffered several discontinuities, such as the lack of professional training and supervising. It is also noted that the methodology contributes to the dynamization of the didactic-pedagogical activities and promotes the cooperation and autonomy of the students in the organization and the applicability of the components of the curriculum, especially of Governo Estudantil and Cantinhos de Aprendizagem. Although the directions of the Program (BRASIL, 2005) point out that Escola Ativa has among its principles social transformation, we identified that, isolated, the initiative is not capable of promoting the changes that the rural schools need, namely investments in the physical, material, pedagogical and technological infra-structure, besides the estimation and a career plan for the teachers. In a general draft of the results of this research, we realized that some aspects presented about the peculiarities of Escola Ativa in Jardim do Seridó as a governmental Program, reinforce the need for the public policies to be evaluated, in order to confront critic and operationally the planning with the practice, revising action, whenever necessary

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The educational reform of the 90 s was tainted by the objectives of the fiscal adjustments, resulting in the redefinition of the state s role in the financing and offering of teaching services, and bringing about a shuffling of the responsibility between the public and private sectors to promote education to young people and adults. The 90 s also highlighted the proliferation of providers and the multiplication of Educational Programs for Youths and Adults (EJA), implemented through partnerships between governmental and nongovernmental agencies. During this period of time, the agenda of educational responsibilities concerning analphabetism was organized in a process of decentralized of the state, with the following political, social, and economic objectives: to reduce the public deficit, increasing public savings and the financial capacity of the state to concentrate resources in areas considered indispensable to direct intervention; to increase the efficiency of the social services moffered or funded by the state, giving citizens more at a lower cost, and spreading services to more remote areas, expanding access to reach those most in need; to increase the participation of citizens in public management, stimulating communitarian acts as well as developing efforts towards the effective coordination of public figures in the implementation of associated social services. Thus, Assistance Programs co-financed by the government try to deal with the problem of analphabetism. Within the sphere of the 90 s educational policy decentralization, we come to see how the agenda dedicated to the reduction of analphabetism was formed by the Solidarity Alphabetization Program (PAS). Between 1997 and 2003, the latter agenda s decentralizing proposal was integrated in the management partnership for the operationalization of tasks and resources faced with the execution of the formal objectives. In this study, we identify the dimensions of the implantation and progress of the tasks carried out by PAS, in the municipality of Lagoa de Pedras/RN. However, we consider these Programs to assist in the process without guaranteeing the reduction of the causes or substituting the responsibility of the system once the monetary resources for program maintenance provided by the partners is exhausted

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This paper analyzes the policy of upgrading the teaching profession in relation to financing basic education, with a view to participation of the Union of Education Workers of Rio Grande do Norte - SINTE / RN and the state government in the implementation of Professional Base Salary the National Professional Teaching Public Basic Education - Law 11738/2008, the public state of Rio Grande do Norte. The participation of civil society, through the union movement presents itself as an important process of implementation of Professional Base Salary. The participation of SINTE / RN occurred since the fight to pass the plan, careers and Compensation (2006) until the implementation of the Base Salary (2009) highlighting the power relations established between the Union and State Government. To this end, there were actions such as public hearings and strikes by education professionals. In order to raise issues relevant to the issue of enhancement of teaching and participation of unions as a collective representation has been taken as a theoretical and methodological literature on the financing of basic education, enhancing teaching and participation as well as policy guidelines governing the career of teaching. Was used as a methodological procedure to document analysis and information gathering through semi-structured interviews. The results indicate the participation and the power relationship between the trade union movement and the state government in the implementation of the Base Salary. However, the current issues concerning the limitations of recovery of the teaching profession in order to implement the policy floor, not only merit of the state of Rio Grande do Norte, but the decisions that have been taken by the Supreme Court (STF) relating to the unconstitutionality of Action (ADI) filed by five governors. This fact greatly reduced the possibility of recovery of the teaching of the state, considering that the government was limited to decisions of the Supreme Court. Therefore, the enhancement of teaching remains a challenge for the union movement

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Knowledge and innovation were seen as major forces, both for survival, as the acquisition of competitive advantages in the Brazilian economy, as well as adding value to the product as a market differentiator. The Triple Helix model is directed toward the knowledge-based economy. Over the past six years, the Federal Government through the Financier of Studies and Projects ( FINEP ) invested in technological innovation projects, economic subsidies, about U.S. $ 1 billion supporting more than 800 projects with these resources. According to the MCTI , the Northeast, over the years 2000 to 2010 increased spending on Science and Technology (considering the activities of research and development more scientific and related activities) of the State Government in relation to its total revenue In 2000, 0.51% of total revenues were invested in Science & Technology, while in 2010 this figure increased to 1.31%. Among the nine Northeast states, Paraíba is highlighted. In 2000, 0.33% of its total revenues were directed to innovation, reaching 2.04% in 2010, the largest increase in the region while the RN invested 0.24% in 2000 and in 2010 reached the level of 1.42 %. According to IBGE, in the period 2000-2011, the micro and small enterprises surpassed the barrier of 6 million establishments. In 2000, there were 4.2 million establishments while in 2011 were 6.3 million active establishments. Therefore, throughout the period, there was a creation of approximately 2.1 million new establishments. Between 2000 and 2011, micro and small businesses have created 7.0 million formal jobs, 8.6 million jobs in 2000 to 15.6 million in 2011. This scenario shows the importance of this study in relation to the investment of governments in RD & I in micro and small enterprises. This study aims to analyze the interaction Universities - Business - Government in the development of innovation in micro and small companies in Rio Grande do Norte participants of the edicts of Inova FAPERN. We chose to adopt as a research method case study concerning the procedure of the research, exploratory, descriptive, and on documents with engineers and researchers of innovation projects approved by PAPPE Subsidy (Inova -RN I, II and III). Data collection was done through the report made by FAPERN entitled: " Evaluation of companies financed and supported by the Grant Program for Technological Innovation for Micro and Small Enterprises RN - INOVA -RN " (2010) and a questionnaire with 40 closed questions and 1 opened to 30 affirmative composed based on a 5-point Likert scale. The analysis of data was qualitative and quantitative. The study provided to identify the importance and barriers arising from the relation between Government Enterprise (micro and small) and University as essential to the economic development of the region. It was also identified that, in the innovation projects, 70% of the goods or services originating from research were to market these, 50% resulted in a patent for the company and 80% publications of scientific articles

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Brazilian constitution says that all Brazilians have basic survival rights such as education, sanitation and food, but these basic rights are luxury for some. So, thinking about this, this paper aims to develop a critical analysis about the (re)production of the discourse on poverty, and consequently on the poor, given by the federal government, through the official website of the program Brazil Without Poverty (Brasil Sem Pobreza), the media, represented by Veja magazine, and by those who affirm to be representatives of the poor; like the Single Central Slums (Central Única das Favelas CUFA). Our aim is to present a critical reflection on the discourses about the poverty in the voices of the government, Veja magazine (media representative) and CUFA (poor representative) and their contribution to the development of the meanings of the theme in Brazilian society. In order to do so, we have identified categories based upon Bajoit (2006a) to classify which the author calls faces of poverty . We have used the Sociological and Communicational Discourse Approach (ASCD) as developed by Pedrosa (2012a, 2012b, 2012c), within the Critical Discourse Analysis as theoretical apparatus, and also the studies in which the ASCD is built upon such as Sociology for Social Change (BAJOIT, 2006), the Cultural Studies (HALL, 2005), and the Functional Systemic Linguistic, especially the Evaluating System (MARTHIN & WHITE, 2005, VIAN JR et al, 2011). Thus, the discourse on poverty or on fighting poverty, extracted from news, chronicles and other genres of the mentioned vehicles, are taken as object of study to understand identities that are created and renewed on poverty and on the Brazilian poor, as their dependence on the government and civil society, their exploitation by the economy, and even the media that sometimes features them as delinquent

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In recent decades higher education in Brazil has gone through several changes. The Programa de Reestruturação e Expansão das Universidades Federais REUNI has been the greatest overhaul performed by the government in public universities in the last years. REUNI is presented as the biggest reform in tertiary education in contemporary times, having as the main goal a gradual increase in the average rate of conclusion in live learning graduation courses up to 90%, as well as a rate expansion of graduating students in face to face classes per professor. This research aims at studying the perception of professors from UFRN concerning the REUNI program in execution from 2008 until 2012. The study seeks to understand how professors evaluate the program and what the dimensions that most influence in this evaluation are. The study made use of a research tool (survey) which was sent through the internal system of the university, SIGAdmin, to all professors of superior teaching from UFRN. The answers generated by the survey were processed using SPSS statistical software (Statistical Package for Social Science). Factorial Analysis and Multiple Linear Regression were used as an analysis technique. 180 answers were obtained, reaching all UFRN Centers and some academic units, as well as some campuses in the countryside of the state. Through the research was possible to analyze how professors from UFRN perceive the REUNI program implemented in the institution. The results point to the program approval by the professors. Statistical tests showed that the average values obtained in the Centers and academic units are basically the same. It was demonstrated that the extent that most influenced in the answers is linked to practical outcomes of the program, whereas the knowledge of REUNI goals was the least that impacted on the marks given to the program. Another dimension which influenced the perception of professors relates to the influence of REUNI in their activities. It was observed that professors from UFRN don t see REUNI as an impediment to them

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Le présent texte vise à analiser la apropriation de l'espace par le pouvoir publique. Entre les années 1956 et 1964, la ville brésilien de Natal a été administré par le maire Djalma Maranhao, dirigeants politiques marquées par des idées nationalistes, comme la lutte contre l'impérialisme et l'émancipation du peuple a travers de ce que l'on appelle « culture populaire ». Le terme a acquis une connotation politique, en même temps dans ce qui était considéré comme la plus pure manifestation du peuple brésilien. La dynamique politique signifie aussi un nouveau regard sur la ville, enquant que le désir de progrès, de industrialisation et de réformes sociales propagée dans la politique nationale brésilienne, directement traduit par des changements dans son espace physique. Dans cette orientation nationaliste, la ville a entrepris des actions systématiques à l'encontre des nouveaux besoins urbains qui se posent en même temps que tourné certains places de la ville à espaces culturelles, appelée « places de la culture ». Ces espaces sont destinés à la promotion de la culture populaire en même temps il a été un domaine stratégique de la production et la réception des valeurs défendues par Djalma Maranhao. En ce sens, nous avons demandé répondre quelle a été la position du maire face à la besoins urbaines qu'ils se posaient et comme les places de la culture sont intégré à la vie quotidienne de la ville de Natal, donnant une nouvelle signification à la place publique. Pour la construction de ce travail, nous utilisons les sources orales et de revues, de journaux et de A República et Folha da Tarde, comme le principal ressources méthodologiques

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The purpose of this study was to investigate the social-environmental implications of the first large scale wind farm recently built in Brazil (2006), Parque Eólico de Rio do Fogo (PERF), to the nearby communities. The research was base on the adjustment of the DIS/BCN tool to analyze social impact and it was linked to the multi-method approach. Applying the autophotography strategy, cameras were given to five children from the district of Zumbi, the nearest location to PERF, and they were asked to individually photograph the six places they liked the most and the six places they liked the least in their community. Then, these children were interviewed individually and collectively about the photographs. Adult locals in Zumbi, residents of Zumbi/Rio do Fogo settlement, members of the State and Municipal government and representatives of the PERF were also interviewed with the aid of some of the pictures taken by the children and others that might trigger something to say, as a strategy called sample function. The five children presented positive image towards PERF; all of them chose to photograph it as one of places they liked. Adult population of Zumbi presented positive visual evaluation towards PERF. A small number of the interviewees were aware of the environmental and social benefits of wind energy production. Residents did not participate of the decision making process regarding PERF. They approved the project, especially because of the jobs provided during construction. Nowadays, PERF is something apart from their lives because it no longer provides jobs or any other interaction between the facility and the locals. Residents relate to the land, not with the facility. However, there is no evidence of rejection towards PERF, it is simply seen as something neutral to their lives. The low levels of education, traditional lack of social commitment and citizenship, and the experience accumulated by PERF´s planners and builders in other countries, may be contributing points to the fact that Zumbi residents did not oppose to PERF. It is clear that the country needs a legislation which seriously considers the psycho-social dimension involved in the implementation of wind farms

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From the 1980s, with technological development, globalization, and in a context of increasingly urgent demands, there is an international movement to modernize the state structures. Being driven by the victory of conservative governments in Britain and the U.S., this speech reform comes only to Brazil in the 1990s, the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Thus, in view of the recent movement of states to implement this reform agenda in their structures this research was to identify the elements that made it possible to attempt to modernize the administrative structure of the state of Piauí in 2003, in view of the political and administrative career in which the state was entered. Seeking to clarify the problem studied here, through a case study carried out a descriptive and exploratory, using a technique of gathering data to document research and interviews semi-structured. As the lens of analysis for this study used the neo-historical and sociological institutionalism, through which it sought to identify the critical moment in which they gave the Administrative Reform of Piaui, the process of breaking with the political and administrative career that previously had being followed, and the isomorphic mechanisms that enabled this speech reform comes up to this state, mechanisms that allow the homogenization of the organizational field. In general it appears that the search for new patterns and new technologies for management by the states in Brazil is due to the context of fiscal crisis in which the states were entered, forcing them to seek alternative models of management . The process of diffusion of New Public Management agenda for the states became possible, among other factors, due to the new scenario in which was inserted into the Brazilian federal system in the second half of the 1990s, characterized by a greater articulation between the horizontalstates, where through the mechanisms of isomorphic institutional change was made possible by the absorption of the speech states reformer of the 1990s. However, due to the specificities of each region is given the experiences state unevenly. In the case of Piauí Administrative Reform only became possible due to the rearrangement of political forces in the state and the mechanisms of isomorphic institutional change, which allowed, in 2003, the state government to absorb the speech reformer